Identifying how policy proposals are selected by policy-makers is an important question for scholars. This thesis evaluates the use of discourse and the role of actors in the exchange of ideas to support interprofessional collaboration (IPC) among Ontario’s regulatory colleges. A variation of discourse analysis was developed, based on the seven areas of reality that are constructed by language, to evaluate the interactions between state and policy actors. I argue that actors did not appear to engage in meaningful discourse because the state established the parameters of the consultative processes, which suggests the expert consultative processes were tools to legitimize the policy process for Bill 179. The state appears to have increasingly greater control of both the content and context of policy- making in this field. Further evaluation of the interactions between health professional organizations and the state is needed to better understand the importance of discourse in the health policy process.

Magister Artium - MA / Comprehensive policies exist to tackle Nigeria’s poor maternal, neonatal and child health (MNCH) indices, but departures from policy intent during implementation result in less than expected outcomes. In Nigeria’s federal system of government, national level policies are transferred to subnational level, the states as mediators of for implementation. Executive powers at the state level reside with governors. This study aims to contribute to a better understanding of the role of states in policy implementation, taking a historical and comparative view of implementation of three complex programmes, which had intergovernmental collaborative aspirations. Study was set in two (subnational) states (Anambra and Ebonyi). In addition, national level data were collected from Abuja – Federal Capital Territory, where policymaking is domiciled. A qualitative case study design triangulated information from document reviews (69) and in-depth interviews (44). Emerson’s integrated collaborative governance (CG) framework was used to examine the overarching multi-level governance and how this impacted the policy process.

The notion that exists in society is that it is the politicians who decide while the public officials stand for facts within the policy process, and that they are active at various stages in the process. In practice, however, it looks different and the public officials have more influence than the theory predicts. The purpose of this essay is to investigate the influence of public officials in the policy process by studing whether the influence differs depending on the size of the municipality. We will also study the stage in which public officials have the most influence over the policy process in the different municipalities. To be able to conduct this study, the following questions have been posed: "How much influence do public officials have in the policy process in a small municipality and a large municipality?" and "which step in the policy process does public officials have the most influence, in a small and large municipality in Sweden?" As an empirical material, a survey was conducted in which the respondents were public officials in a small and a large municipality and public officials in a large municipality. We find that public officials in the small municipality have a greater opportunity for influence than public officials in the larger municipality. The public officials in the larger municipality have the most influence in the policy formulation stage in the policy process, while the public officials in the small municipality have the most influence in the problem identification stage.

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In my experience it is hard to define what learning in leisure centers means, and that the definition seems to differentiate between principals and leisure-time pedagogues. In this inquiry, I therefore ask myself the following questions: How does a principal and leisure-time pedagogue define learning in leisure centers, in relation to current regulatory documents? And how does a principal and a leisure-time pedagogue translate these regulatory documents to their operation regarding learning in leisure centers? My inquiry is based on qualitative methods as semi-structured interviews and open observations. The premises I use to analyze my results is visible learning, situated learning and policy. The result indicate a shared view of what learning in the leisure center means, but the translation from definition to operation is not coherent with what the principal and leisure-time pedagogue says. The conclusion is that the process in which the regulatory documents develops, affects the issue to understand its content and the establishment of the documents in their operation. / Enligt min erfarenhet är det svårt att definiera vad lärande i fritidshem innebär, och att definitionen kan skilja sig mellan rektorer och fritidspedagoger. Därför har jag i denna undersökning ställt mig frågorna: Hur definierar rektor och fritidspedagog lärande i fritidshemmet, i förhållande till rådande styrdokument? Och hur översätter rektor och fritidspedagog styrdokumenten till verksamheten gällande lärande i fritidshem? Undersökningen baseras på kvalitativa metoder så som semi-strukturerade intervjuer och öppen observation. Utgångspunkterna i min analys av resultatet är synligt lärande, praktikbaserat lärande och policy. Resultatet visar på en samsyn av vad lärande i fritidshemmet innebär, men att det inte översätts till verksamheten på det sätt rektorn och fritidspedagogen säger. Slutsatsen är att den process där styrdokumenten tas fram, påverkar svårigheten att förstå dess innehåll och att implementera innehållet i verksamheten.

Esta dissertação analisa questões relativas às relações entre Estado e sociedade em processos de formulação e implementação de políticas públicas no Brasil, tomando como foco da análise o processo que resultou na política de silvicultura no estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Dois conjuntos de indagações orientaram o desenvolvimento da pesquisa. O primeiro diz respeito ao papel desempenhado por atores posicionados na esfera societal, especialmente as denominadas Organizações Não-Governamentais (ONGs) em processos de políticas públicas, e como estes atores se relacionam com agentes posicionados na esfera estatal. O segundo conjunto de indagações diz respeito à dinâmica de processos de políticas públicas marcados por alto grau de conflito, e as possibilidades de participação e influência efetiva de atores societais sobre seus resultados. Foi realizado um levantamento da literatura sociológica e da Análise de Políticas Públicas sobre o tema. Em seguida recorreu-se aos enfoques das chamadas “teorias sintéticas” do processo de políticas públicas, que destacam de um lado as dimensões dos atores, suas crenças e idéias, e de outro o papel dos contextos institucionais, e o impacto deste conjunto de fatores sobre os processos decisórios. Através de tais abordagens, se analisou uma política regulatória na área ambiental no estado do Rio Grande do Sul, referente à expansão da atividade de silvicultura na chamada “Metade Sul” do estado. Realizou-se a reconstituição da cadeia de eventos, desde a formação da agenda até as decisões finais que deram forma ao desenho da política. Observou-se que o processo da política pública foi fortemente condicionado tanto pelas “imagens da política” construídas pelos atores envolvidos quanto pela oposição entre a dinâmica eleitoral-partidária, “externa” à área ambiental, e a dinâmica dos especialistas, “interna” à área. As conclusões do estudo apontam para o fato de que as ONGs envolvidas no processo tiveram sucesso em influenciar de forma efetiva no desenho da política. Porém esta influência somente foi possível na medida em que atores provenientes do Ministério Público e do Poder Judiciário passaram a participar e influenciar no processo. Essa influência de “atores judiciais” resultou na constituição de um “subsistema de política pública”, onde a discussão sobre os rumos da política foi levada a cabo por atores dotados de recursos de expertise na área ambiental, com menor influência da lógica política partidária. / This dissertation examines issues concerning the relations between State and Society in processes of formulation and implementation of public policies in Brazil, focusing the analysis in a process that resulted in the forestry policy in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Two sets of questions guided the research development. The first concerns the role played by actors positioned in the societal sphere, especially the so-called Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in public policy processes, and how these actors relate to players positioned at the State level. The second set of questions concerns the dynamics of public policy processes marked by high conflict, and the possibilities for effective participation and influence of societal actors on their results. A survey of sociological literature and the area of public policy analysis on the topic. Then appealed to the approaches of so-called “synthetic theory” of the public policy process, which highlight the dimensions of one side of the actors, their beliefs and ideas, and the role of other institutional contexts, and the impact of all the factors on decision-making processes. Through such approaches, we analyzed a regulatory policy in the environmental area in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, referring to the expansion of forestry in the "southern half" of the state. We performed the reconstitution of the chain of events, since the formation of the agenda until the final decisions that shaped the design of policy. It was observed that the process of public policy was strongly influenced by both the "policy image" built by the actors involved as the opposition between partisan electoral dynamics, "external" to the environmental area, and the dynamics of the experts, “internal” to the area . The study's findings point to the fact that NGOs involved in the process have succeeded in effectively influencing the design of policy. But this was only possible influence insofar as actors from “Ministério Público” and the Judiciary have come to participate and influence the process. This influence of “judicial actors” has resulted in the formation of a “policy subsystem”, where the discussion about the course of policy was undertaken by actors endowed with resources of expertise in the environmental area, with less influence of actors connected to electoral politics.

This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women�s financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely �hybrid� role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women�s policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their �discovery� of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.

<p>The aim of this essay is to study the decision making process and implementation of the principle of political participation and influence for Roma minority in Sweden. The results regarding the decision making process is structured through a discourse influenced policy analyses. Problem picture and recommended measures in the political documents representing the decision making process are analysed through theories of minority rights and equality. The implementation is seen through, by the author given minority discourse and the work in the roma council and analysed by the same theories already mentioned.</p><p>The results show that regarding the decision process the aim of art.15 in the framework convention is based on the idea of equality while the Swedish documents relates more to an idea of the right to speak for the group. Regarding recommended measures, the framework convention gives several recommendations on specific measures for political participation while the Swedish documents focuses on the general politics of the state. The results of the analyses of the implementation shows that those actors in the discourse, comparing the political participation for romas before and after the implementation of the minority policy creates a positive view of the principle, while those relating the principle to real influence in the political decision gives a more negative view of the implementation. The work in the Roma council shows that the majority of the issues are in information and discussion form and mostly information given by government staff. There has been critical voices from Roma representatives, while an another think time will give more space for Romas to have more influence. The Roma representatives still have a position outside the positions of real power influence in the consultative body.</p>

This study begins with the observation that three similar states - Denmark, Norway and Sweden - have had different EC/EU policies, and that one of the foreign policy literature's most interesting approaches, domestic structures analysis, does not shed light on this variation. The goal of the study is to develop an understanding of the different policies by analyzing the question of EC/EU membership using an approach in which issue area, defined in terms of both substance and impact, is linked to policy process and policy choice. Substantive issue area is studied by analyzing parliamentary debates in the three countries. An issue area typology with four substantive categories - economic, political/ policy, international/security, and other — is used to classify arguments made in the debates. The analysis shows that the question was an economic and political issue in Denmark, Norway and Sweden in the 1990s. It was a security issue in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s. It is argued that this variation helps explain variation in EC/EU policy. In particular, the findings support the argument that the importance of the substantive definition of the EC/EU question is related to the coalitional possibilities it creates. The size of the coalition has, in turn, an impact on policy process and outcome. When the coalitions are large, the process moves more quickly, and parliaments and political parties tend to be consulted or informed rather than active participants. The question of EC/EU membership is also analyzed using an impact typology in which questions are classified as generating one of three types of conflict: none, managed and unmanaged. The EC/EU membership question is classified on the basis of public opinion data and conflict or agreement within political parties. The analysis shows that there were three cases in which the EC/EU question created managed conflict: Denmark and Sweden in the 1960s and Sweden in the 1970s. In other cases, conflict was unmanaged. In an analysis of the importance of variation with regard to type of conflict, it is argued that the data support the hypothesis that the existence of unmanaged conflict is related to decisions to call referenda to decide the membership question. In the face of unmanaged conflict political elites were encouraged to give authority for decision making over to voters. This was, in turn, linked to the emergence of ad hoc organizations dedicated to influencing public opinion for or against membership. This study suggests that the issue areas approach can offer important contributions to the analysis of foreign policy. A challenge for future research is to analyze how issue areas and domestic structure interact to generate policy process and outcome. Central questions should include the relative importance of the two and analyses of the conditions under which one or the other is likely to dominate. / digitalisering@umu

<p>The aim of the study is to evaluate how a law decided 2002 regarding discrimination against students in the higher education system in Sweden, was implemented at the University of Kalmar and Växjö University.</p><p>The study asks two questions: <em>How did the both universities implement the law? How did the universities manage to implement the law?</em> In order to answer these questions the “top-down” perspective, often used in field social science within discipline implementation, is used. First the study examines the goals with the legislation, and thereafter the actual implementation at the both examined universities.</p><p>The conclusion is that the universities has high ambitions with implementation of the law and extensive formalized regulations but that it practically seems to be hard to get legitimacy with the implementation throughout the whole organizations. This makes the implementation work slowly though it’s working well with the people who have direct responsibility for the implementation.</p>