Esta dissertação apresenta uma reflexão de teoria política normativa a respeito da tolerância no plano mundial adotando uma perspectiva tributária do individualismo ético e dos contratualismos rawlsiano e kantiano. Sua argumentação defende uma interpretação individualista e universalista da tolerância enquanto virtude política institucional. Justificar-se-á a idéia de que a tolerância requer uma lista ampla de direitos humanos e que é um critério normativo de legitimidade política frente às comunidades internas e global / This dissertation presents a reflection of Political Theory about toleration in world plan adopting a perspective of ethical individualism and Rawlsian and Kantian contractualism. Its argumentation defends an individualist and universalist interpretation of toleration while institutional and political virtue. The idea will be justified as toleration requires an extensive list of human rights and that it is a moral criterion of politics legitimacy in front of internal and global communities

La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l’étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l’expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l’antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l’idée que l’opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D’une part, l’offre politique qu’elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d’autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l’idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l’impuissance et l’inefficacité de l’opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l’opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l’opposition subit une sorte d’échange inéquitable. De fait, le parti au pouvoir bénéficie d’un avantage comparatif dû à sa position, notamment dans la mainmise sur tout l’appareil d’État, et dans le contrôle absolu qu’il exerce sur les institutions de la République. / The research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic

Illegal or undocumented immigration is a political hot-button issue in the United States and around the world. This study investigated social psychological factors that influence reactions toward illegal immigrants. Drawing on America’s identity as a nation of immigrants and on research showing positive effects of perspective–taking on intergroup relations, this research asks how reminders of one’s ingroup history in the U.S. and perspective-taking impact Americans emotional responses to illegal immigrants and their support for pro- and anti-immigration policies. Additionally, this research investigates whether the effects of reminders of one’s ingroup history and perspective-taking depend on people’s political orientation. Results show that the combination of thinking about one’s ingroup history and taking the perspective of illegal immigrants actually leads to more negative reactions toward illegal immigrants. Furthermore, this effect appears to be driven by conservatives as opposed to liberals. These findings raise questions about which public discourses about illegal immigration would create a consensus based on humanitarian ideals, and which discourses would increase polarization. These findings also add to the growing literature on the limitations of perspective-taking as an intervention to reduce prejudice.

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This dissertation provides an explanation of how André Malraux, a man of great influence on twentieth century European culture, developed his political ideology, first as an anticolonial social reformer in the 1920s, then as an antifascist militant in the 1930s. Almost all of the previous studies of Malraux have focused on his literary life, and most of them are rife with errors. This dissertation focuses on the facts of his life, rather than on a fanciful recreation from his fiction. The major sources consulted are government documents, such as police reports and dispatches, the newspapers that Malraux founded with Paul Monin, other Indochinese and Parisian newspapers, and Malraux's speeches and interviews. Other sources include the memoirs of Clara Malraux, as well as other memoirs and reminiscences from people who knew Andre Malraux during the 1920s and the 1930s. The dissertation begins with a survey of Malraux's early years, followed by a detailed account of his experiences in Indochina. Then there is a survey of the period from 1926 to 1933, when Malraux won renown as a novelist and as a man with special insight into Asian affairs. The dissertation then focuses on Malraux's career as a militant antifascist during the 1930s, including an analysis of Malraux's organization of an air squadron for the Spanish Republic, and his trip to North America to raise funds. The dissertation concludes with an analysis of Malraux's evolution from an apolitical, virtually unknown writer into a committed anticolonial social reformer and an antifascist militant. The man and his political ideology were intricately interwoven. His brief career as a political journalist in Saigon was crucial in his transformation from an apolitical Parisian dandy into a political activist. Because he regarded fascism as a dire threat to European civilization, Malraux gave his full support to the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic during the 1930s.

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In the last 30 years South Korea has seen rapid institutional changes, leaving behind military dictatorships and evolving into a strong consolidated democracy. This paper will explore voting in South Korea, attempting to answer the research question: Why has the liberal party not been winning elections? The present liberal administration has not had power since 2000. This research is important because it takes a holistic approach in defining the variables at play to the Korean voter as well as refining what seems to be the significant factors to voting choices. There is little research done on the Korean case which tries to understand why Korean voters have voted as they do since the inception of democracy. My paper will attempt to add to the discussion the significant variables at play to the Korean voter. Using quantitative data from the Asian Barometer Survey from 2010-2012 and 2013-2016 to research this paper's aim. The Asian Barometer Survey provides valuable data into studying voting in South Korea as voters directly answer the survey. The regression models showed that government trust and satisfaction were the most important variables in explaining why voters chose the conservative or the liberal party and not economic conditions.

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This study tests the relationship of the 6 ideological variables and 7 contextual variables to shifts in ideological alignment through a latent class regression analysis for three periods of years (1972-1978, 1980-1992, 1993-2006). The latent class regression models determine the number of identifiable classes for each model. Using ideological realignment theory (Abramowitz and Saunders 1998) this study finds there has been a moderate polarization of opinions that has occurred, as well as, a moderate hardening of ideological beliefs with moral issues during the third time period becoming the driving force in ideological makeup. With regard to the culture wars hypothesis (Hunter 1991) there seems to be so much randomness in peoples overall ideological makeup that it hardly suggests a salient culture war is taking place. It also seems to matter very little what opinions individuals express on domain specific issues with regard to political ideology.

In 1997, both the United States (U.S.) and the European Union (EU) signed the Kyoto Protocol, the first legally binding international treaty with targets for greenhouse gas emissions reductions. However, in 2001, the United States withdrew from the Protocol. This thesis seeks to understand some of the reasons why the European Union embraced the Kyoto Protocol while the United States did not. Using an overall framework of comparative politics, research is undertaken through three lenses. First, an overview of public opinion toward global warming and climate change in the U.S. and the EU analyzes potential differences or similarities from surveys carried out in each area. Second, I examine the prevailing political ideology in each polity, with emphasis on the period when climate change arose as a major global challenge. Finally, two case studies examine the theory of environmental federalism and how it might affect climate change policy action. I obtained the following results. Public opinion research has revealed that, on average, the American public is nearly as concerned with climate change as the European public. However, the overarching political ideology in the U.S. was one of conservatism, while that in Europe was one of social democracy, with left and center-left governments, contributing to a greater or lesser degree, and through indirect mechanisms, to the political stances adopted. Finally, the case of Germany shows that member state actions, such as the implementation of ambitious reductions targets, can still play a crucial role in leadership even in the presence of action at the central government level (EU). The California case study shows that state-level efforts can rise to fill a vacuum created by the absence of central government action. In the end, behavior of each polity regarding international climate agreements, particularly the Kyoto Protocol, cannot be explained in simple terms.; The complexity of the issues revolving climate change require further interdisciplinary research and collaboration among multiple actors including scientists, policymakers, nongovernmental organizations, and other stakeholders.