This dissertation investigates the brand identities of the South African Broadcasting Corporation television channels SABC1, SABC2 and SABC3 during the first decade of the 2000s (from 2000 to 2009). The study explores the manifestation and dissemination of dominant political ideologies and myths by the SABC television channels and their respective brand identities. It is argued that SABC television channels are structured and organised according to specific brand ideologies that match dominant political ideologies prevalent in South Africa. This is evident from the manner in which these channels have been organised, defined and redefined over the past years, and also from the self-promotional visual imagery shown by the television channels. The visual brand identities of each channel create the elements that make up each channel’s visual vocabulary, and each visual vocabulary in turn contributes to notions of “South Africanness” and definitions of South African identity. The study also explores the main concepts of ideology theory as a critical discursive practice to assist in a better understanding of the power relations in the SABC and its channel brands in particular. Some developments and changes in the SABC brand identities and the organisation of its television channels are studied from a historical perspective and correlated with ideology theory. In order to do this, the study also draws from semiotic theory. The author notes the semiotic quality of a brand and argues that the process of branding, the process of semiosis and the process of the dissemination of political ideologies bear structural resemblance. Basic definitions and key concepts of branding and corporate identity contribute to an enhanced understanding of the visual brand identities of the SABC television channels. An exploration of the elements specific to television channel branding helps to determine the signs, codes and meanings in SABC television channel branding. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

Les empires néo-assyrien et perse achéménide qui ont conquis le Proche-Orient au 1er millénaire av. J.-C., ont eu un besoin constant en équidés. Ces animaux sont non seulement utilisés dans les cadres militaires et cynégétiques, mais ils apparaissent également lors des défilés. Objets de prestige et convoitise, ils représentent une part importante des tributs livrés aux rois conquérants. Victorieux, les souverains ont orné les murs de leurs palais de bas-reliefs narrant leurs hauts faits. Les équidés, tant domestiques que sauvages, y occupent une place centrale. Ce travail doctoral propose une étude iconographique centrée sur la figure de l’équidé afin de procéder à un déplacement analytique qui permet d’appréhender les images impériales sous un autre angle. Ainsi, après avoir enregistré et décrit formellement les équidés, nous avons procédé à diverses analyses précises des détails de leur figuration. Les résultats attestent notamment du caractère réaliste et naturaliste des représentations, qui permet de renforcer l’adhésion des observateurs. Ces figurations prennent part au discours politique et idéologique véhiculé par les reliefs car elles développent un langage visuel spécifique qui montre une armée disciplinée, invincible et victorieuse, à l’image du monarque qui la mène. Enfin, les équidés apparaissent dans les scènes de défilés, leur pas assuré et digne ajoute encore à la gloire de celui vers lequel ils se dirigent : le souverain. / Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid empires that conquered the major part of the Near East in the 1st millennium B.C., had a constant need for equids. These animals are indeed not only used in military and hunting actions but they also appear during parades. Prestigious objects, they represent an important part of the tributes delivered to the conquering kings. Victorious, the rulers adorned the walls of their palaces with reliefs recounting their deeds. Equids, both domestic and wild, appear to be central in these images. This doctoral thesis proposes an iconographic study centred on the equids figure in order to carry out an analytical displacement that allows imperial images to be viewed from another angle. Therefore, after having recorded and formally described the equids, we proceeded to several precise analyses of the details of their figuration. The results attest in particular to the realistic and naturalistic aspect of their representations, which makes it possible to enhance the support of the observers. These images take part in the political and ideological discourse conveyed by the reliefs because they develop a specific visual language that shows a disciplined, invincible and victorious army, just like the monarch who leads it. Finally, the equids appear in the parades scenes, their confident and dignified steps add once more to the glory of the one they are heading for: the king himself.

The diploma thesis is focused on an environmental policy upheld by the coalition of ČSSD, ANO and KDU-ČSL in 2013-2017. The researched topic is the reaction to the ongoing global climate change manifesting itself in the context of the Czech Republic in the form of drought. The thesis analyzes the electoral programs of political subjects and the subsequent governmental policy of the coalition in the sense of policy - politics. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate the extent to which the given political subjects dealt with the examined environmental issues in their electoral programs, in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 2013 and the scope of a solution to the problem of global climate change and the drought phenomenon of the political parties within the common government policy. Part of the thesis is also an attempt to include political subjects in the classification scheme of localism - globalism. .

[pt] A partir de um estudo comparado de Brasil e Chile, expoentes da chamada divisão Atlântico vs. Pacífico, buscamos entender os fatores que influenciaram na elaboração e promoção de diferentes projetos regionais entre 2006 e 2014. Lançando mão de instrumentos metodológicos como a Análise de Conteúdo (AC) e a Análise Documental (AD), realizamos uma análise pormenorizada da relevância das seguintes variáveis: (a) ideologia política; (b) modelos de democracia; (c) modelos de desenvolvimento e (d) eixos geoestratégicos. Concluímos que o impacto da ideologia política sobre a elaboração e promoção de estratégias de regionalismo foi menos relevante que as demais condicionantes. Em um cenário de oportunidades e restrições impostas pelas relações estratégicas com os EUA e China, os modelos de democracia e, especialmente, os modelos de desenvolvimento foram as condicionantes mais expressivas nas políticas externas para o regionalismo empreendidas por Brasil e Chile entre 2006 e 2014. Portanto, o regionalismo latino-americano é melhor definido como determinado por eixos de regionalismo com singularidades que vão além de uma lógica fundamentada na dicotomia esquerda e direita. / [en] Based on a comparative study of Brazil and Chile, exponents of the so-called Atlantic vs. Pacific, we seek to understand the factors that influenced the elaboration and promotion of different regional projects between 2006 and 2014. Using methodological instruments such as Content Analysis (CA) and Document Analysis (AD), we carried out a detailed analysis of the relevance of following variables: (a) political ideology; (b) models of democracy; (c) models of development and (d) geostrategic axes. We conclude that the impact of political ideology on the elaboration and promotion of regionalism strategies was less relevant than the other constraints. In a scenario of opportunities and restrictions imposed by strategic relations with the USA and China, the models of democracy and, especially, the models of development were the most expressive conditions in the external policies for regionalism undertaken by Brazil and Chile between 2006 and 2014. Therefore, Latin American regionalism is best defined as determined by axes of regionalism with singularities that go beyond a logic based on the left and right dichotomy. / [es] A partir de un estudio comparativo de Brasil y Chile, exponentes del llamado Atlántico vs. Pacífico, buscamos comprender los factores que influyeron en la elaboración y promoción de diferentes proyectos regionales entre 2006 y 2014. Utilizando instrumentos metodológicos como el Análisis de Contenido (CA) y el Análisis Documental (AD), realizamos un análisis detallado de la relevancia de las siguientes variables: (a) ideología política; (b) modelos de democracia; (c) modelos de desarrollo y (d) ejes geoestratégicos. Concluimos que el impacto de la ideología política en la elaboración y promoción de estrategias de regionalismo fue menos relevante que las otras limitaciones. En un escenario de oportunidades y restricciones impuestas por las relaciones estratégicas con Estados Unidos y China, los modelos de democracia y, especialmente, los modelos de desarrollo fueron las condiciones más expresivas en las políticas externas para el regionalismo emprendidas por Brasil y Chile entre 2006 y 2014. Por tanto, el regionalismo latinoamericano se define mejor como determinado por ejes de regionalismo con singularidades que van más allá de una lógica basada en la dicotomía izquierda y derecha.

Les médias vont contribuer à former la perception de l’individu sur les politiques adoptées par les gouvernements. Cette influence — exercée à travers le cadrage de l’information — est une suggestion implicite d’une interprétation de l’information présentée. Les discours des élites et les caractéristiques du régime médiatique vont influencer le cadrage opéré. La recherche sur l’évolution du régime médiatique canadien et son rôle dans le cadrage est limitée. Ce travail se demande si le système médiatique canadien a évolué de façon similaire à son homologue américain soit vers une croissance de la polarisation et du parallélisme politique. Nous avons procédé à l’étude des cadres mobilisés par les médias dans le traitement d’un sujet commun aux deux États — la vaccination obligatoire — tout en occupant une place différente dans le discours des élites politiques. Un échantillon tiré de quatre journaux choisis pour leur représentation des idéologies libérale et conservatrice a été recueilli dans lequel ont été identifiés les cadres mobilisés. Dans la mesure où certains cadres sont associés à une idéologie politique différente — l’économie et la légitimité aux conservateurs et la santé aux libéraux — on cherchait à comparer l’utilisation de cadres. Dans l’ensemble, on remarque un portrait très mixte dans l’utilisation de cadres typiquement associés à une idéologie ou à l’autre. Toutefois, le cadre de la légitimité fut particulièrement mobilisé chez les journaux conservateurs, tandis que les cadres de l’économie et de la santé sont davantage présents chez les journaux libéraux. Au Canada, on remarque une différence accrue dans la mobilisation des cadres et leur orientation. / Media are a key contributor to the way an individual perceives the government politics. Their capacity to frame a subject can suggest a specific way to understand the information. Things like the elite’s discourses and the characteristics of the media system of a state can also influence the media framing. Yet, research on the Canadian media system and its evolution are limited. Therefore, this thesis poses the question whether the Canadian media system has evolved the same way as its American counterpart which saw a rise in polarization and political parallelism. We proceeded to a study of the different framing devices used by the media to frame vaccination politics through four newspapers associated with the two dominant ideologies in those countries: liberalism and conservatism. Based on previous research, the economy frame and the legitimacy frame were associated to conservatism and the health frame was associated to liberalism. The comparison showed mixed results: frames were used by both newspapers in each country. However, the legitimacy frame was more frequent in the conservative newspapers and the economy and health frames were more frequent in the liberal newspapers. Also, Canadian newspapers used a greater variety of frames and in different orientations than their American counterpart, showing a greater polarization between the two of them.

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The purpose of this study is to increase knowledge about gender differences in ideological orientations in Europe. We use quantitative methods and survey data from European Social Survey (ESS) to examine 25 countries in Europe over time and investigate if there is a correlation between gender equality and the gender gap in self-placement on the political left-right scale. The study examines how the political gender gap has developed through time, and how the trends differ between men and women. The study also examines how gender equality has evolved over time in comparison to the gender gap in political ideology. Furthermore, it examines whether different ideological dimensions might affect self-placement on the left-right scale for men and women. The results show that the gender gap has increased in general across Europe. However, there is substantial variation across the countries. In several countries, the gender gap in ideological orientations decreases over time. The study found different tendencies in how the gender gap has been changing through time in relation to how gender equality has developed. We also found that some ideological factors have a greater effect on women’s self-placement compared to men’s and vice versa.

Depuis plusieurs décennies, le Canada tente de mettre en place des politiques de réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre (GES), dans le but de lutter contre les changements climatiques. Cet enjeu a gagné en importance pour les électeurs de telle manière que tous les partis, peu importe leur orientation politique, doivent maintenant l’aborder lors des campagnes électorales. Ce mémoire se penche sur les élections fédérales canadiennes de 2019 afin d’analyser la manière dont les partis politiques d’orientations idéologiques différentes ont cadré l’enjeu des changements climatiques. Il est indispensable de comprendre que l’enjeu des changements climatiques était un enjeu incontournable lors de ces élections. En ce sens, le Parti libéral, le Parti conservateur, le Parti vert, le Bloc Québécois et le Nouveau Parti démocratique ont dû converger vers cet enjeu et le cadrer afin de maximiser leurs gains (ou de minimiser leurs pertes). Afin d’analyser les cadres privilégiés par les partis politiques d'orientations idéologiques différentes pour discuter des changements climatiques au Canada, une analyse de contenu sera effectuée sur les programmes électoraux des principaux partis lors de l’élection fédérale de 2019 au Canada. Ce mémoire, principalement basé sur les concepts de convergence, de cadrage et d’idéologie politique a révélé que malgré la convergence générale des partis politiques à aborder l’enjeu des changements climatiques, des distinctions notables ont émergé. Effectivement, en fonction de leurs orientations idéologiques, les partis politiques ont adopté des approches distinctes pour aborder la question climatique. Ainsi, nos résultats ont démontré d’une part que l’enjeu des changements climatiques est véritablement devenu un enjeu majeur de la politique canadienne. D’autre part, ils ont mis en lumière le fait que tous les partis politiques ont tenté de répondre à ces défis causés par cet enjeu tout en respectant leurs orientations idéologiques. / For several decades, Canada has been trying to implement policies to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, with the aim of combating climate change. This issue has gained in importance for voters to such an extent that all parties, regardless of their political orientation, must now address it during electoral campaigns. This master thesis looks at the 2019 Canadian federal elections in order to analyze the way in which political parties of different ideological orientations framed the issue of climate change. It is essential to understand that the issue of climate change was an unavoidable issue during these elections. In this sense, the Liberal Party, the Conservative Party, the Green Party, the Bloc Québécois and the New Democratic Party had to converge on this issue and frame it in order to maximize their gains (or minimize their losses). In order to analyze the frameworks favored by political parties of different ideological orientations to discuss climate change in Canada, a content analysis will be carried out on the electoral platforms of the main parties during the 2019 federal election in Canada. This thesis , mainly based on the concepts of convergence, framing and political ideology, revealed that despite the general convergence of political parties in addressing the issue of climate change, notable distinctions emerged. Indeed, depending on their ideological orientations, political parties have adopted distinct approaches to addressing the climate issue. Thus, our results demonstrated on the one hand that the issue of climate change has truly become a major issue in Canadian politics. On the other hand, they highlighted the fact that all political parties tried to respond to these challenges caused by this issue while respecting their ideological orientations.

This paper analyzes the content of the concept of social justice involvement in the broader context of the application of the principles of state social policy applied in the field of social security of citizens. The first part is devoted to the major theories of justice of the last century and their analysis in terms of the evaluation criteria of two most prominent schools of thought, i.e. liberalism and communitarianism. The paper describes the difference of opinion on the formation of a just society with emphasis on the difficulty of choice associated with preferences of the basic ideas of liberalism and communitarianism. The conclusion contains argumentative attitudes related to a different interpretation of the concept of social justice in the context of the degree of implementation of the principles of solidarity, subsidiarity and market mechanism in the field of social policy. What has become desirable in today's society is a necessity for legislative changes, but chiefly changes in citizens' behaviour and access to their own lives.