O presente trabalho inicia com a elaboração de uma ampla revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema economia e religião, inclusive analisando trabalhos empíricos recentes que pretendem testar as idéias de Weber, como a da secularização e a da relação entre o desenvolvimento capitalista e o Protestantismo. Essa revisão constatou que a tese de Weber tem se mostrado consistente, apesar de algumas falhas, ou seja, a religiosidade diminui à medida que a sociedade evolui e o protestantismo teve um papel importante, sim, no desenvolvimento do capitalismo moderno. Após essa ampla revisão bibliográfica, que serviu para amadurecer o conhecimento sobre o assunto em questão, este trabalho passa a enfocar seu objetivo principal, que é analisar o comportamento da Igreja católica brasileira, como instituição, frente a questões seculares, principalmente de cunho econômico, político e cultural. Para isso, são analisados o comportamento da Igreja católica frente ao processo de transição do Império para a República, o impacto do aumento da concorrência direta e indireta sobre a Igreja católica brasileira, ao longo do século XX, a situação do sacerdócio católico e seu impacto sobre a Igreja católica, assim como o impacto de questões financeiras sobre essa instituição. No geral, toda essa análise apresenta fortes indícios de que questões seculares de cunho econômico, político e cultural acabam influenciando amplamente essa instituição. Com isso, pode-se observar que não apenas questões doutrinárias influenciam essa instituição. Por último, analisa-se a situação atual da Igreja católica e apresentam-se possíveis motivos de a Igreja católica brasileira ter perdido expressiva quantidade de fiéis, ao longo dos últimos vinte anos. / The present work begins with a broad bibliography review about economy and religion, analyzing recent empirical works that intend to test Weber’s ideas, like the secularization and the relation between capitalistic development and the protestantism. This review evidenced that Weber’s thesis has been shown consistent, although it has some shortcomings. The consistency refers to the fact that religiosity diminishes as the society develop, and to the fact that the protestantism played an important role in the development of the modern capitalism. After this broad bibliography review, that served to mature the knowledge about the subject in discussion, this work starts to focus his main objective, that consists in analyzing the behavior of the brazilian catholic church, as an institution, vis a vis secular matters (economical, political and cultural mainly). To achieve this objective, it was analyzed the behavior of the catholic church in the process of transition from the Empire to the Republic. It was also analyzed the impact of the increase of the direct and indirect competition that the brazilian catholic church faced in the XX century, and it was analyzed the situation of the catholic priesthood and the impact of it in the catholic church, as well as the impact of financial matters in the same institution. Through the analysis of all these points, it could be observed that not only doctrine matters influences this institution. Lastly, it was analyzed the actual situation of the brazilian catholic church and exposed the likely reasons that may be driving this institution to lose an expressively sum of followers in the last twenty years.

This dissertation analyses the extent to which dominant political ideologies generate meanings in television news texts. The working process of the television news system and the manner in which television news constructs news programmes are discussed. In light of the televisual mode of news production, the author demonstrates how ideologically inspired meanings can systematically enter the television news system and thus potentially manipulate the production of television news broadcasts, though making a semiotic analysis of the CNN representations of September 11. This study is situated within the field of visual culture studies, and semiotic theory is employed to a great extent throughout. The author discusses the influence of dominant political ideologies on the television news production process, and how this contributes to the restriction of the polysemy of the television news sign. Television news representations may be mediated and manipulated in such a way to encourage viewers to produce readings that are favourable towards a certain dominant political ideology. The many mechanisms that television news utilises to create meaning are discussed. The mechanisms that are identified by the author as being the most effective in the production of ideologically inspired meanings are paid particular attention. These semiotic mechanisms include the manipulation of iconic signs, the construction of arbitrary signs and the representation of myths. The CNN representations of the September 11 events are analysed for their ideological content, and the author contends that these televisual representations were deliberately constructed to inspire readings that would be favourable to the ideology of Americanism. Therefore, Americanism, as an example of a dominant political ideology, is discussed. The visual mechanisms employed by CNN after September 11 are analysed. These include the editing of visually recorded footage, the treatment of the newsreader and the incorporation of the image of the American flag. The author offers a reading of the ideological motivation of these texts. The media myths that are constructed to naturalise Americanism, such as the myth of the hero and the myth of the tower, are discussed with regard to the manner in which they were represented by CNN after September 11. The iconic representations of key political figures involved with the September 11 events are also discussed and their ideological meanings uncovered. The CNN television news broadcasts functioned both to inform an international audience of the terrorist attacks and reinforce an ideology in crisis: namely, Americanism. CNN repeatedly employed many visual mechanisms to encourage viewers to produce readings that were favourable to Americanism. While Americanism entered a period of crisis, it mobilised its Ideological State Apparatuses, including television news, to reinforce and justify its position of power in order to maintain its own dominance after a deliberate blow. This study suggests that the CNN representations of September 11 are an accurate indication of how dominant political ideologies can effect the construction of television news texts. Where television news broadcasters reach large audiences while being ideologically aligned, and viewers are deliberately encouraged to produce certain ideologically inspired readings, television news becomes a medium through which widespread ideological domination can be achieved. / Dissertation (MA (Visual Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

There is no legislation in Sweden that forces municipalities to implement democracy-developing measures. Municipalities and regions are thus given a great deal of personal responsibility to implement this type of measure. Previous research shows that there are great variations in the number of democray-developing measuers between Sweden's municipalities. This means that inequality is introduced between residents in different municipalities in terms of the impact on local policy.The ambition of this study was thus to find out why this variation prevails. The question for the study is • What factors can explain the variation in the prevalence of democracy-developing work in Swedish municipalities and what proportion of the variation can these factors explain?By quantitatively testing three different factors that could have an impact on the number of democracy-developing measures, an answer to the question of the study can be obtained. The three factors were economy, political ideology and its stability and geographical network. After compiling statistics from these three factors in relation to the number of democracy-developing measures in the Swedish municipalities, results from the statistics program SPSS could be analyzed. This shows that these three factors together account for an explanatory degree between 8.7 to 33.4 percent of the variance.

This paper examines how three prominent news outlets in the United States: specifically CNN, Reuters and Fox News, depict the death of Mahsa Amini in Iran and the protests that would follow. The purpose of this study is to examine whether or not political ideology affects news reporting done by these online news outlets. Subsequently, the aim is to determine how that news reporting affects readers and in turn, influences public opinion and cultural ideology. This is done by employing Fairclough’s three-dimensional model, a framework used in critical discourse analysis to examine three dimensions within communicative events. To complete this analysis, historical context, political context, and the news genres’ limitations and expectations are taken into account. This paper finds that political ideology does impact the production of news headlines in terms of lexical choices made both to emphasize the focal point of different news sources, as well as where they stem from and what narrative they enforce. Finally, empirical evidence to support these claims is presented and interpreted.

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Marketing research is lacking in the study of how SES influences consumption choices beyond access to purely economic resources, which merely represent purchasing power without explaining consumer preference. The first essay of this dissertation addresses this gap by examining an understudied social resource known as cultural capital—internalized knowledge, skills and behaviors reflecting cultural competence—that can influence the types of products consumers choose. The second essay examines low SES politically conservative consumers' desire to use consumption choices as signals to attain more status. Together, this dissertation extends our understanding of how SES influences consumer preferences for hedonic (vs. utilitarian) products, as well as their preference for product acquisition via access-based consumption (vs. ownership). Furthermore, the psychological processes underlying these effects and the conditions and personality differences moderating these effects are uncovered. Managerial and theoretical implications are provided.

Immigration policies and border control in the US were hardened significantly more ever since the new government’s immigration executive order in 2017. A series of massive raids and immigrant detentions were carried out which got the attention of both human rights activists and the news media. How these immigration detention events are portrayed in the news media reflect, moreover, a series of discourses which seem to attract audiences from either left-wing or right-wing political ideologies, specifically to read CNN and Fox news respectively, according to previous survey-based research. This paper aims to identify through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) how those in detention are represented in the news headlines of Fox News and CNN, and secondly, identify what possible left-wing and right-wing political ideologies about immigration are expressed in the news outlets. Reference strategies and transitivity will encompass the micro-level analysis, which focuses on language construction. For the macro-level analysis, on the one hand, discourse practices like process of production and consumption will be considered, and on the other hand, American foreign policy viewed from the left-wing and right-wing perspectives will be discussed to consider differences in style, tone, and perspective in CNN and Fox News’ headlines in relation to immigration detention events. Results show that CNN, tied to left-wing audiences, portray the immigration detention events from the perspective of immigrants who are in a vulnerable position since they are detained with their families. Moreover, Fox News, tied to right-wing audiences, show the events more from the viewpoint of the government and the public entities in charge of the immigration policies, who are in need to restrain, detain, and deport immigrants for the sake of the country’s security. This paper aims to contribute further to the research on political ideologies as a relevant factor to understand differences in discourse in the news media for future research.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre a concepção do tema da ideologia de gênero e sua reverberação nas mídias regionais do Tocantins a partir da aprovação dos Planos Estadual e Municipais de Educação (2015-2025). Tem como objetivo compreender os significados da expressão “ideologia de gênero” a partir dos discursos, motivos e/ou justificativas que se manifestaram em jornais regionais online do Tocantins para a supressão das questões de sexualidade e de gênero dos planos municipais e estadual de educação deste estado federativo. Tem como método a pesquisa qualitativa, com inspirações da etnometodologia e etnopesquisa crítica, etnopesquisa formação, bem como da análise do discurso numa perspectiva teórico-metodológica da abordagem multirreferencial. Traz uma pesquisa bibliográfica para exploração dos conceitos de identidade, diversidade, diferença, gênero, sexualidade, ideologia, ideologia de gênero e plano de educação. A pesquisa documental foi realizada com três jornais regionais online: Jornal do Tocantins, T1 Notícias e JM Notícia. Foram coletados trinta e três etnotextos ao todo, sendo nove do Jornal do Tocantins, cinco do T1 Notícias e dezenove do JM Notícia. Todos esses etnotextos foram lidos a partir da análise do discurso. Como resultado é possível destacar o agrupamento de dez noções subsunçoras para compreensão da expressão “ideologia de gênero”: 1) “Ideologia de gênero” como sendo contrária a concepção natural e “biológica” dos gêneros masculino e feminino; 2) “Ideologia de gênero” como prática gay, ou do movimento gay; 3) “Ideologia de gênero” como possibilidade de destruição da família [tradicional]; 4) “Ideologia de gênero” como promotora da sexualidade precoce; 5) “Ideologia de gênero” como má compreensão do conceito de gênero; 6) “Ideologia de gênero” como usurpadora da educação moral familiar; 7) “Ideologia de gênero” como conhecimento não científico; 8) “Ideologia de gênero” como uma teoria autoritária; 9) “Ideologia de gênero” como produtora de inconveniências; 10) “Ideologia de gênero” como contrária a uma sociedade onde a Bíblia junto com a Constituição Federal e o Código Civil são pilares da sociedade. Conclui-se que a utilização da palavra ideologia na expressão “ideologia de gênero” é a partir de uma valorização pejorativa de acordo com a vertente crítica da ideologia; sua utilização tem sido feita com a intenção de criação de um Estado Teocrático no Brasil em especial pela tomada da Educação como um campo de disputa e de formação desta sociedade; assim como a “Ideologia de gênero” tem sido utilizada também para desqualificar outras formas de saberes e conhecimentos científicos que te / This dissertation approaches to the theme of the gender ideology and its reverberation in the regional media of Tocantins after the approval of the State and Municipal Education Plans (2015-2025). It aims to understand the meanings of the expression "gender ideology" from the discourses, motives and / or justifications that have been expressed in Tocantins online regional newspapers for the suppression of sexuality and gender issues of the municipal and state education plans of this Federative state. It uses the qualitative approach and the method of ethnomethodology and critical etnopesquisa, etnopesquisa formation in a multirreferencial way. It brings a bibliographical research to explore the concepts of identity, diversity, difference, gender, sexuality, ideology, gender ideology and educational plan. The documentary research was carried out with three regional newspapers online: Jornal do Tocantins, T1 Notícias and JM Notícia. Thirty-three ethnotexts were collected in all: nine of Jornal do Tocantins, five of T1 News and nineteen of JM News. All these ethnotexts were read from Discourse Analysis. As a result, it is possible to highlight the grouping of ten subsuming notions to understand the expression "gender ideology": 1) "Gender ideology" as being contrary to the natural and "biological" conception of male and female gender; 2) "Gender ideology" as a gay practice, or the gay movement; 3) "Gender ideology" as a possibility of destruction of the [traditional] family; 4) "Gender ideology" as a promoter of precocious sexuality; 5) "Gender ideology" as a misunderstanding of the concept of gender; 6) "Gender ideology" as a usurper of family moral education; 7) "Gender ideology" as non-scientific knowledge; 8) "Gender ideology" as an authoritarian theory; 9) "Gender ideology" as a producer of inconveniences; 10) "Gender ideology" as contrary to a society where the Bible, together with the Federal Constitution and the Civil Code, are pillars of society. We conclude that the use of the word ideology in the expression "gender ideology" is based on a pejorative valuation according to the critical slope of ideology; Its use has been made with the intention of creating a Theocratic State in Brazil in particular by the taking of Education as a field of dispute and of formation of this society; as well as the "Gender Ideology" has also been used to disqualify other forms of scientific knowledge and knowledge that tries to show and denounce the different ways of being male and female in the societies.

This research begins with the assumption that the political ideology of Malaysian leaders influences the design of state mosques and seeks to investigate the relationship between Malaysian leaders political ideas of Islam and their influence on the design of state mosques in Malaysia. Even though studies undertaken of state mosque in other Muslim countries show a relationship between state mosque and politics, there are no studies that describe the influence of politics on the state mosques in Malaysia. To date, the research on the state mosque in Malaysia focuses on six main aspects: these are descriptions of the state mosque in regard to its historical development; documentation of the state mosque in the form of measured drawings; classification of state mosque styles; theory for designing the state mosque based on religious sources; discussion on the technical aspects of the state mosque design; and discourse on the role and function of the state mosque in relation to social aspects. In contrast, the aim of this research is to determine: How are the leaders political ideas of Islam expressed through the design of state mosques in West Malaysia? A case study approach as defined by Yin (2003) was applied. Evidence for the case studies has been collected from archival records to gather data regarding political development and building policy which relates to three prominent leaders in Malaysia –Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Mahathir Mohamad - while on-site observation, state mosque documents and interview were methods to collect evidence for three state mosques in Malaysia, which are the National Mosque, Penang State Mosque and Putra Mosque. Since this research deals with specific interpretations of the state mosque as a social-physical phenomenon and the need to understand how the structural relationship exists between the state mosques and social culture, a multi-disciplinary logic of inquiry combining the interpretive and structuralist paradigms was adopted. In association, a framework incorporating both semiotics and hermeneutics were developed to analyse, firstly, the symbolic meaning embedded in the design of the state mosques and their mundane settings and, secondly, to reveal the leaders intentions and associated actions during the creation of the state mosques. An analysis of the data exposed that there is a dialectic relationship between the leaders and the design of the state mosque in the period of post-independence in Western Malaysia. The investigation of the three state mosques also suggested that the political ideas of Islam as propounded by Malaysian leaders have a profound effect on determining the design of the state mosque. This study, therefore, offers new insights, which not only add to knowledge in this field by widening and strengthening the understanding of political and architectural historical theory in Malaysia, but also are valuable for range of associated fields including architectural semiotics and non verbal communication. This is because this research reveals deep understandings of the built form and material environment operating as a sign in a cultural and social context.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1614.pdf: 7958529 bytes, checksum: c93997cee9d07507213b2aa3a1613dca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-06 / This study has as main goal analyze the publication A questão Social by the Socialist Center of Santos in the end of the 19th century. I search to understand how the socialists ideas emerged in Europe were established in the country and their reflexes over the left-wing press in this study, the periodical of the Socialist Center of Santos. The present work tries to show why not to consider the revolutionary acts as the most adequate, searching for a reformist way of action. The fact of Marxism has seduced intellectuals from middle classes, from which the leaders of the Center of Santos came from; pointing out that Silvério Fontes was a strong mischaracterizing element in this organization before the labor man. The biggest part of the work parties and organizations defining themselves as socialists in Brazil during the last decade of the 19th century fought for reformist measures in favor of workmen such as reduction of working hours and prohibition of child labor. Thus it can be stated that the Brazilian Socialism was coherent with the dominant chain of the International Second which prayed for a socialist society from a perspective which would be the result of a historical evolution without any kind of violent means to achieve this occurrence, concentrating its main efforts on short and middle term political actions, that is, in achieving electing victories and in the program that should lead its actions if they ever got the power through party arena. And their publications are an important historical source to understand this reception of ideas. / Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar publicação A Questão Social do Centro Socialista de Santos no final do século XIX. Busco entender como as idéias socialistas oriundas da Europa se fixaram no país e seus reflexos na chamada imprensa de esquerda - no nosso caso, o periódico do Centro Socialista de Santos. Procurando mostrar porque não considerar a via revolucionária como a mais viável, optando por uma via reformista de atuação. O fato do marxismo ter seduzido intelectuais das camadas médias, da qual eram oriundos os líderes do Centro de Santos, destacando a figura de Silvério Fontes, foi um elemento forte de descaracterização desta organização diante dos operários. A maioria dos partidos operários e organizações dizendo-se socialistas no Brasil na última década do século XIX lutava por medidas reformistas de defesa dos trabalhadores, como por exemplo, diminuição da jornada de trabalho, proibição do trabalho infantil. Neste sentido, o socialismo brasileiro era plenamente coerente com a corrente dominante na Segunda Internacional, que pregava a sociedade socialista a partir de uma perspectiva, que seria o resultado de uma evolução histórica sem qualquer tipo de meio violento para sua ocorrência, concentrando seus principais esforços na ação política de curto e médio prazo, isto é, na obtenção de vitórias eleitorais e no programa que deveriam nortear sua atuação na eventualidade de alcançar o poder através da arena partidária. E suas publicações são uma fonte histórica importante para entender esta recepção de idéias.