O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar os recursos dramáticos utilizados na construção da narrativa sobre o julgamento do Mensalão pelo Jornal Nacional. Acreditase na perspectiva das notícias apresentadas em telejornais como dramas cotidianos e vistas como narrativas sobre o mundo. Como métodos de investigação, utilizou-se a análise da narrativa de forma a atingir os quatro objetivos específicos propostos: identificar o conflito em torno do qual se desenvolveu a história; analisar o papel atribuído aos personagens e a ação deles dentro da narrativa; buscar modelos de roteiro da informação nas reportagens e avaliar a existência de tom moralista na fiscalização de condutas explicitadas nas matérias. O corpus de pesquisa inclui vinte reportagens, exibidas pelo Jornal Nacional nos dias 30 e 31 de julho e 23 de outubro de 2012, 18 de setembro e 15 de novembro de 2013. Conclui-se que o conflito teve papel fundamental na narrativa sobre o julgamento do Mensalão e apareceu em 95% das cabeças das reportagens, que são as falas dos âncoras no estúdio para apresentar o material que será exibido. A pesquisa registrou a transformação das fontes de informação em personagens ao longo da história, com o desenvolvimento de treze papéis, entre eles vilão, vítima, herói e defensores. Percebemos, ainda, a existência de dois modelos do que convencionamos chamar de roteiro da informação. Por fim, encontramos, em 80% das unidades de análise, a inclusão de uma lição de fundo moral. Na maioria dos casos, reforçou-se a ideia de punição ao vilão e seus aliados. / The objective of this research is to analyze the dramatic resources used in the construction of the narrative about the trial of Mensalão by Jornal Nacional. It is believed the perspective of the news presented on TV news as everyday dramas and seen as narratives about the world. As research method, a narrative analysis was conducted in order to attain the specific objectives outlined: identify the conflict around which the history is developed, analyze the role assigned to the characters and their action within the narrative; search for model scripts of the information in the reports and evaluate the existence of a moralistic tone in inspecting explicit conduct in the field. The corpus research includes twenty reports, displayed at Jornal Nacional on 30th and 31th July and 23th October 2012, 18th September and 15th November, 2013. We conclude that the conflict played a key role in the narrative about the trial of the and appeared in 95% of the head stories, which are the lines of anchors in the studio to present the material to be displayed. The survey recorded the transformation of information sources on characters throughout the history, with the development of thirteen roles, including the villain, victim, hero and defenders. Also realize that there are two models that conventionally call script information. Finally, we found on 80% of the units of analysis , the inclusion of a moral background. In most cases, reinforced the idea of punishing the villain and his allies.

This thesis, argues that House of Cards portrays an embellished reality of our government through a Machiavellian lens, particularly looking at the politics of scandal through the 25th Amendment and impeachment, as well as the role of political spouses. It also address the underlying question of appointing someone as controversial as Frank Underwood to the vice presidential position knowing his manipulative nature, and will analyze his schemes from a realistic perspective.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar os recursos dramáticos utilizados na construção da narrativa sobre o julgamento do Mensalão pelo Jornal Nacional. Acreditase na perspectiva das notícias apresentadas em telejornais como dramas cotidianos e vistas como narrativas sobre o mundo. Como métodos de investigação, utilizou-se a análise da narrativa de forma a atingir os quatro objetivos específicos propostos: identificar o conflito em torno do qual se desenvolveu a história; analisar o papel atribuído aos personagens e a ação deles dentro da narrativa; buscar modelos de roteiro da informação nas reportagens e avaliar a existência de tom moralista na fiscalização de condutas explicitadas nas matérias. O corpus de pesquisa inclui vinte reportagens, exibidas pelo Jornal Nacional nos dias 30 e 31 de julho e 23 de outubro de 2012, 18 de setembro e 15 de novembro de 2013. Conclui-se que o conflito teve papel fundamental na narrativa sobre o julgamento do Mensalão e apareceu em 95% das cabeças das reportagens, que são as falas dos âncoras no estúdio para apresentar o material que será exibido. A pesquisa registrou a transformação das fontes de informação em personagens ao longo da história, com o desenvolvimento de treze papéis, entre eles vilão, vítima, herói e defensores. Percebemos, ainda, a existência de dois modelos do que convencionamos chamar de roteiro da informação. Por fim, encontramos, em 80% das unidades de análise, a inclusão de uma lição de fundo moral. Na maioria dos casos, reforçou-se a ideia de punição ao vilão e seus aliados. / The objective of this research is to analyze the dramatic resources used in the construction of the narrative about the trial of Mensalão by Jornal Nacional. It is believed the perspective of the news presented on TV news as everyday dramas and seen as narratives about the world. As research method, a narrative analysis was conducted in order to attain the specific objectives outlined: identify the conflict around which the history is developed, analyze the role assigned to the characters and their action within the narrative; search for model scripts of the information in the reports and evaluate the existence of a moralistic tone in inspecting explicit conduct in the field. The corpus research includes twenty reports, displayed at Jornal Nacional on 30th and 31th July and 23th October 2012, 18th September and 15th November, 2013. We conclude that the conflict played a key role in the narrative about the trial of the and appeared in 95% of the head stories, which are the lines of anchors in the studio to present the material to be displayed. The survey recorded the transformation of information sources on characters throughout the history, with the development of thirteen roles, including the villain, victim, hero and defenders. Also realize that there are two models that conventionally call script information. Finally, we found on 80% of the units of analysis , the inclusion of a moral background. In most cases, reinforced the idea of punishing the villain and his allies.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar os recursos dramáticos utilizados na construção da narrativa sobre o julgamento do Mensalão pelo Jornal Nacional. Acreditase na perspectiva das notícias apresentadas em telejornais como dramas cotidianos e vistas como narrativas sobre o mundo. Como métodos de investigação, utilizou-se a análise da narrativa de forma a atingir os quatro objetivos específicos propostos: identificar o conflito em torno do qual se desenvolveu a história; analisar o papel atribuído aos personagens e a ação deles dentro da narrativa; buscar modelos de roteiro da informação nas reportagens e avaliar a existência de tom moralista na fiscalização de condutas explicitadas nas matérias. O corpus de pesquisa inclui vinte reportagens, exibidas pelo Jornal Nacional nos dias 30 e 31 de julho e 23 de outubro de 2012, 18 de setembro e 15 de novembro de 2013. Conclui-se que o conflito teve papel fundamental na narrativa sobre o julgamento do Mensalão e apareceu em 95% das cabeças das reportagens, que são as falas dos âncoras no estúdio para apresentar o material que será exibido. A pesquisa registrou a transformação das fontes de informação em personagens ao longo da história, com o desenvolvimento de treze papéis, entre eles vilão, vítima, herói e defensores. Percebemos, ainda, a existência de dois modelos do que convencionamos chamar de roteiro da informação. Por fim, encontramos, em 80% das unidades de análise, a inclusão de uma lição de fundo moral. Na maioria dos casos, reforçou-se a ideia de punição ao vilão e seus aliados. / The objective of this research is to analyze the dramatic resources used in the construction of the narrative about the trial of Mensalão by Jornal Nacional. It is believed the perspective of the news presented on TV news as everyday dramas and seen as narratives about the world. As research method, a narrative analysis was conducted in order to attain the specific objectives outlined: identify the conflict around which the history is developed, analyze the role assigned to the characters and their action within the narrative; search for model scripts of the information in the reports and evaluate the existence of a moralistic tone in inspecting explicit conduct in the field. The corpus research includes twenty reports, displayed at Jornal Nacional on 30th and 31th July and 23th October 2012, 18th September and 15th November, 2013. We conclude that the conflict played a key role in the narrative about the trial of the and appeared in 95% of the head stories, which are the lines of anchors in the studio to present the material to be displayed. The survey recorded the transformation of information sources on characters throughout the history, with the development of thirteen roles, including the villain, victim, hero and defenders. Also realize that there are two models that conventionally call script information. Finally, we found on 80% of the units of analysis , the inclusion of a moral background. In most cases, reinforced the idea of punishing the villain and his allies.

Title: How to Construct the Perfect Scandal – a study of the news reported by Expressen concerning the SD-scandal Author: Linnea Ivarsson This C-paper presents the incident concerning the political party Sverigedemokraterna in Expressen in November 2012. The newspaper was the main source of the news reporting with the mobile phone camera film from the occurance and led the way of the news reporting in Sweden about three party members. The paper investigates how the story telling of the so called SD-scandal was constructed, using Critical Discourse Analysis as the analysis method combined with selected parts from the analysis method of critical linguistics. The theories that have been used to establish the results of the analysis are Critical Discourse as a theory based on Norman Fairclough and Teun A. van Dijks theoretical keystones combined with Sigurd Allerns and Ester Pollacks theories and schematic point of view on the constructions of political scandals in media. With the theories and analysis methods above mentioned the results turned out to confirm the theory about how political scandals in media are constructed and designed with certain strategies and agenda. The authors of the articles in Expressen showed the reader that they throughout the process had a certain plan with the material the editors of the newspaper had before the scandal burst. The way they used quotes from the witnesses, the leader Jimmie Åkesson and from the political members combined with how they edited the mobile phone film and published it in a strategic way analyzed with the discourse analysis as a starting point showed that the newspaper constructed the roles and the discourse that were intermediated. Coincidences did not exist in this news reporting and the process from the first interview with the witness until the last article when some of the men were resigned seemed to have been strategically planned out even before the first article was published. In the conclusion of the paper it shows that Expressen seemed to have a well planned strategy in their news reporting of the three politicians in the film and the occurrences. Political scandals in media have looked the same for quite some time and by the result of this analysis it will still have the same construction since the outcome of this story was effective and profiting for the newspaper. At the same time, the discourse of hypocritical and lying politicians is effectively reproduced through how the reporting was constructed and angled. Even though racism might have seemed to be the main theme of the articles, the purpose seemed to have been to put the politicians in a precarious and almost unfixable situation, a process we have seen many times before in media.

This article analyzes the role of political scandals at different times of the government’sactivity, with the intention to verify if news of corruption differs in electoral and non-electoral periods. We try to verify in what contexts Argentinean and Brazilian governments are more permeable to political scandals and respond more actively. We consider the electoral schedule and the type of Presidentialism in Argentina and Brazil. We argue that after an accusation of corruption in media, public officials assess risks in order to consider if their reputation were erode by not facing scandals of corruption. During electoral periods politicians fear of punishment from voters through mechanisms of electoral accountability. Finally we say that the majority Presidentialism is less permeable to allegations that coalition one. To corroborate these hypotheses we investigate responses of governments in Argentina (as a case of majoritarian Presidentialism),and in Brazil (as a case of coalitional Presidentialism). / Este artículo se propone analizar el papel de los escándalos políticos en diferentes momentos de actividad de un gobierno, con la intención de verificar si existen variaciones en los niveles de denuncias de corrupción entre los períodos electorales y los no eleccionarios. Asimis- mo, se intenta verificar en qué contextos los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil son más permeables a las denuncias mediáticas y responden más activamente. Para ello, consideramos el calendario electoral y el tipo de presidencialismo de cada país. Se argumenta que, tras una acusación de corrupción en los medios, los funcionarios públicos evalúan los riesgos de ver sus reputaciones erosionadas por no enfrentar la denuncia. El costo para contrarrestar la opinión pública tiende a ser mayor en los períodos electorales, ya que el temor al castigo de los votantes mediante mecanismos de accountability electoral también aumenta. Finalmente, afirmamos que el presidencialismo mayoritario resulta menos permeable a las denuncias que uno de coalición. Para corroborar estas hipótesis se investigan las respuestas de los gobiernos en Argentina, como caso de presidencialismo mayoritario, y en Brasil, como caso de presidencialismo de coalición.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the introduction of the first ever Swedish female prime minister, Magdalena Andersson, by comparing her to a theoretical framework consistent with factors which are generally thought to facilitate the emergence of female prime ministers. Factors within two different perspectives: the party political - and the personal perspective, are gathered. The former includes factors concerning the political party of which the woman of interest has become party leader which then led to a prime ministership. The latter includes individual factors about who these women are in terms of their social backgrounds and personalities. Previous research is used as a way of collecting information on what factors have prevailed the emergence of female prime ministers and six different factors especially stand out and thus make up the theoretical framework. In order to analyze Andersson in comparison to the theoretical framework, this single case is tested by using a qualitative text analysis method. Different text material sources are used as dependent on the different factors being tested. The results show that nearly all of the factors were present during the introduction of Andersson. However, it also becomes clear that other factors might also have affected the introduction of Andersson, factors which could be relevant to take into account in further studies on the subject of female prime ministers.

This essay is a qualitative study where the theory of face and image repair theory evaluate the apologetic strategy of a pudel. The analysed data is from Swedish former Members of Parliament that had to leave their positions due to scandals they were involved in that affected them personally. The analysis shows that the image repair strategy of bolstering is commonly used, that bolstering poses a threat on the speaker’s positive face, and that bolstering is a jeopardising move when attempting to perform a pudel. This study also confirms that when executed successfully, a pudel could restore image and be a successful face-saving strategy. The results also detect the need to further research on how linguistics and rhetoric can cooperate to make more thorough analyses of speech acts. / Denna uppsats är en kvalitativ studie där teorin om face och image repair analyserar och utvärderar den kommunikativa strategin pudeln. Det analyserade datat kommer från pressmeddelanden, presskonferenser och officiella Facebookmeddelanden från svenska riksdagspolitiker som på grund av en skandal behövt lämna sin ledamotsroll i Sveriges Riksdag. Resultatet påvisar att strategin bolstering inom image repair teorin, är vanligt förekommande, att samma strategi utgör ett ansiktshot på den person som använder sig av den strategin och att om man inte lyckas med sin bolstering, riskerar man att inte rädda sitt ansikte eller anseende. Studien visar också på att en lyckad tillämpning av pudeln kan rädda en persons anseende och ansikte. Resultaten i studien öppnar även upp för framtida undersökning, och påvisar att lingvistiska teorier och retoriska teorier kan komplettera varandra vid mer ingående analyser av talakter.

Introduktion: Under 2011 till året därpå var två politiker, Carl Bildt (moderat utrikesminister) och Håkan Juholt (Socialdemokraternas partiledare), utsatta för mediedrev: Etiopiensvenskar-na och bostadsaffären. Juholt var som en svamp som sög upp all kritik medan Bildt framstod som teflon i jämförelse. Hur kommer det sig att Bildt klarade sig och fick sitta kvar som mi-nister, medan Juholt avgick? Problem: Vad är det som skiljer Bildt från Juholts retorik under mediedreven 2011 enligt sta-tusläran? Hur ramar journalisterna in debatten för Bildt respektive Juholt? Teori: Med statusläran (stasis theory) kan en sakfråga analyseras retoriskt genom ett av fyra status (”ställning”): fakta, definition, kvalitet eller procedur. Exempelvis, ett dödande kan handla om huruvida det ägt rum (fakta), om det var mord eller självförsvar (definition), om det var rätt (kvalitet) samt om frågan ska avgöras i annat forum (procedur). Fakta och proce-dur är starkast försvar, definition och kvalitet svagast. Metod: Kvalitativ retorisk analys av Bildt och Juholts medieframträdanden i tv och radio, där medierna anklagar och aktörerna försvarar sig i en dialogsituation. Resultat: Bildt använder mer eller mindre uteslutande ett bevisande (fakta) och överförande status (procedur). När ny information är motstridig, hävdar han att den ska beskrivas an-norlunda (definition). Juholt använder huvudsakligen ett kvalitativt status, ofta för att bedyra sin goda karaktär, även när han kunde valt ett mer lämpligt status. Flera fall har också upp-täckts där journalisterna ställt frågor som varit inramade (presupponerad) på ett tveksamt sätt, ofta på ett kvalitativt status. Diskussion: Bildt använder starkare status vilket får till följd att skandalen inte tenderar att utvecklas i lika hög utsträckning då frågor om moral och värderingar utesluts. Juholt har valt det svagaste statuset. Slutsatsen är att man inte ska välja en försvarsstrategi och hålla fast vid den, utan anpassa försvaret varefter som ny information blir tillgänglig och anklagelsernas karaktär förändras. Slutsatsen gäller reaktiv kriskommunikation, inte nödvändigtvis proaktiv. Dessutom föreslås tre nya analyskriterier till statusläran. Studien begränsas huvudsakligen av medievalet (radio och tv) eftersom bara en del av den medierade politiken fångas, liksom ty-pen av kris (etiska normbrott). / Introduction: During 2011, two major Swedish politicians, Carl Bildt (right-wing foreign min-ister) and Håkan Juholt (leader of the Social Democrats), were set under siege during a so called ‘media hunt’: The Ethiopiaswedes and the residence affair. Juholt was like a sponge absorbing every bit of critique, whereas Bildt seemed like Teflon in comparison. How did Bildt manage to remain in power, while Juholt had to resign? Problem: What sets Bildt’s rhetoric apart from Juholt’s rhetoric during the media hunt under 2011 in relation to the stasis theory? How do the journalists frame the media discourse for Bildt and Juholt? Theory: A controversy can be analyzed rhetorically with one of four stases of the stasis theo-ry: fact, definition, quality or procedure. E.g., a killing has either occurred or not (fact), it may be defined as murder or self-defense (definition), there’s a question if it was the right thing to do (quality) and if the controversy should be judged in another forum (procedure). Fact and procedure is the strongest defense, definition and quality is the weakest. Method: Qualitative rhetorical analysis of Bildt’s and Juholt’s media appearances in TV and radio, where the media accuse and the politicians defend themselves in a dialogue situation. Results: Bildt uses more or less exclusively the stases of fact and procedure. When new in-formation is contradictory to fact, he claims that it should be described differently (stasis of definition). Juholt mostly uses a stasis of quality to assert his good moral character, even when he could’ve chosen a more appropriate stasis. A few cases where the journalists’ questions have been framed (presuppositioned) in a questionable manner have also been found, often in a qualitative stasis. Discussion: Bildt uses stronger stasis which prevents the scandal from evolving and therefore excludes questions about morals and values. Juholt uses a weaker stasis. The conclusion is that one shouldn’t select a rhetorical self-defense strategy and stick to it; rather, the defense should adapt to new information as well as changes in the type of accusation. This conclusion holds for reactive crisis communication, not necessarily proactive. Three new analytical criteria for the stasis theory are also offered. The study is primarily limited by the type of crisis (norm transgressions) and the choice of media (radio and TV) because only a part of the mediatized politics is captured.

Submitted by Klaus Stier (klausstier@hotmail.com) on 2016-04-28T19:34:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Klaus Stier Versão Final.pdf: 1161101 bytes, checksum: 14d7a52d3ebdeb2afc14e692dea3a91b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2016-05-03T13:41:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Klaus Stier Versão Final.pdf: 1161101 bytes, checksum: 14d7a52d3ebdeb2afc14e692dea3a91b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-05-09T17:59:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Klaus Stier Versão Final.pdf: 1161101 bytes, checksum: 14d7a52d3ebdeb2afc14e692dea3a91b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T17:59:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Klaus Stier Versão Final.pdf: 1161101 bytes, checksum: 14d7a52d3ebdeb2afc14e692dea3a91b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-29 / What is the impact of political scandals on the economic climate of South American countries? The present work tries to answer this question through the evaluation of expert confidence in the economy of seven South American countries during the occurrence of political scandals in a period of ten years (from 2005 to 2014). We understand political scandals as news events disclosing episodes of corruption or abuse of power involving South American presidents. The economic climate is measured by the opinion of experts regularly consulted by the Latin American Economic Survey, a research that generates the Latin American Economic Climate Index. Evidences point out the influence of political determinants on the economic confidence of the general public. Few studies are focused on understanding the process through which experts derive their economic confidence. We use the panel regression model to verify correlations between political scandals and the Economic Climate Index. No significant correlations could be found assuming a model related to the international economy. Surprisingly, we find a significant and positive correlation when we add domestic economic variables into the analysis. We believe that future contributions for the theme should take into consideration the important role played by institutions as a fundamental element of the expert confidence. / Qual o impacto dos escândalos políticos sobre o clima econômico dos países sul-americanos? O presente trabalho busca responder essa pergunta ao avaliar a confiança de especialistas na economia de sete países sul-americanos durante a ocorrência de escândalos políticos em um recorte temporal de 10 anos (de 2005 até 2014). Entendemos os escândalos políticos como sendo eventos noticiados pela mídia envolvendo os presidentes das repúblicas sul-americanas em episódios de corrupção ou abuso de poder. Já o clima econômico é medido a partir da avaliação da economia por especialistas regularmente consultados pela Sondagem Econômica da América Latina, uma pesquisa que gera a construção do Índice de Clima Econômico da América Latina. Evidências apontam a influência de determinantes políticos sobre a avaliação econômica realizada pelo público geral. Poucos estudos exploram o processo de formação da confiança econômica de especialistas. Utilizamos o modelo de regressão em painel para verificar a correlação entre escândalos políticos e o Índice de Clima Econômico. Nenhuma correlação pôde ser verificada quando adotamos um modelo relacionado à economia internacional. Surpreendentemente, encontramos uma correlação significante e positiva quando adicionamos variáveis econômicas domésticas à análise. Acreditamos que futuras contribuições para o tema devam levar em conta a importância do papel das instituições como elemento fundamental na confiança de especialistas.