All 1996 parliamentary speeches of two members from each of three parties represented in the South African parliament were coded for the extent to which they demonstrated integrative complexity, a measure of the level of differentiation and integration which a decision-maker demonstrates in justifying his or her position. Each of the selected debates was also categorised according to the manner in which the speaker was aligned in relation to other parties taking part in the debate and the extent to which the matter had been aired in parliament previously. The relationship between the level of integrative complexity shown in the speeches was assessed in relation to the alignment of the speaker with other parties, the extent to which the debate had been rehearsed and the position f the speaker on the left-right political spectrum. The results of the study indicated a strong relationship between the relationship of the speaker to the ruling ANC in the debate, with speakers showing significantly lower integrative complexity when opposing the ANC than when they were in agreement with the ANC. The extent to which the debate had been rehearsed bore a relationship to integrative complexity which only approached significance and the political affiliation of the speaker yielded a non-significant relationship to integrative complexity. The results of the study are discussed with reference to existing theoretical understandings of and research into integrative complexity. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1999.

Slovak Republic is a country where women are still underrepresented in the public life. Only recently, after the Parliamentary elections in June 2010, a woman became Prime Minister of Slovak Republic. Slovak and international media appreciated Slovakia for being a first country in central-eastern Europe to have a female leader of the country (Zsilleova 2010). This fact doesn`t change, that women are almost absent from high posts in Parliament, Government, public life, media or high managerial posts. Women in Slovakia still have a long way to the equality. This study focuses on the way female candidate for President Iveta Radičová is represented in the media during 2009 campaign. The research compares her coverage with male candidate`s coverage. The coverage of personal traits of candidates was gender biased and media mentioned female candidate`s gender very often, meanwhile they didn`t mention male candidates gender except in few occasions. However, there was no gender bias in the coverage of candidates` viability, the issues discussed, and the tone of coverage. Even thought male candidate was favored in amount and prominence of coverage, he was covered in more negative way, which can turn his advantage into disadvantage.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a feminist investigation of the reporting on the female politicians in the Mail & Guardian using the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development media requirements on content as the yardstick. The Protocol is a regional policy adopted in 2008 by regional governments aimed at achieving gender equity in key sectors by 2015. The Protocol is a regional instrument set up to assist in meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The study investigated whether the Protocol’s media requirements were being observed by the Mail&Guardian. The media’s role of providing information can assist the MDGs to be met. These requirements encourage the media in the region to reach gender parity in the use of news sources and writing of news reports that help to reduce gender-based violence and the portrayal of women that is not stereotypic and oppressive. The themes of the study, which were “gender-based violence”, “gender oppression” and “stereotypes against women” were influenced by these requirements. Gender-based violence is a major impediment to development in Africa because of the heavy financial burden it puts on governments and communities to treat victims and offer them shelter and counselling. Gender-based violence affects women’s full productivity in society because it results in death or victims remaining absent from work while they seek treatment. Stereotypes and gender oppression are viewed as dangerous because not only do they deny younger generations role models but they perpetuate the insubordination of women in society. The study linked the themes to female parliamentarians because being legislators and policy makers, they have a strategic and critical role to play in helping to achieve gender equity. There is a perception that female politicians offer different perspectives to issues. The media can be a vehicle through which these female politicians can express their opinions. This is because the media is supposed to offer freedom of expression to all its citizens regardless of gender. In order to examine if the female ideology had a place in the Mail & Guardian a feminist theoretical approach was used. The study employed a triangulation approach in which both the qualitative and quantitative research methodologies were used. The quantitative method was employed to a small extent to quantify the coverage of female politicians. Triangulation in data collection entailed using both the content analysis and in-depth interviews. Findings of the study showed a violation of the Protocol’s media requirements. News reporting about female politicians centred on scandals and controversies and journalists and editors were ignorant of the Protocol’s media requirements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie was ’n feministiese ondersoek na die Mail & Guardian se verslaggewing oor vrouepolitici. Dis gedoen met die interregeringsorganisasie, die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG), se Protokol oor Geslag en Ontwikkeling as maatstaf. Die Protokol is ’n beleid wat in 2008 deur die owerhede van die SAOG-lidlande van stapel gestuur is, met die oog op geslagsgelykheid in sleutelsektore teen 2015. Dit dien as instrument en hulpmiddel in die nastreef van bogenoemde. Die studie stel ondersoek in na die handhawing, al dan nie, van die Protokol se mediavereistes deur die Mail & Guardian. Die media se rol as verskaffer van inligting kan die strewe hierna bevorder. Die vereistes moedig die media in die onderskeie streke aan om geslagsgelykheid toe te pas wat betref die gebruik van nuusbronne, die skep van nuusberigte wat bydra tot die vermindering van geslagsgebaseerde geweld en die uitbeeld van vroue wat wegskram van stereotipering en onderdrukking. Die temas van die studie-"geslagsgebaseerde geweld", "geslagsonderdrukking" en “stereotipering van vroue" is gevolglik deur die Protokol se vereistes beïnvloed. Geslagsgebaseerde geweld is ’n wesenlike struikelblok in die pad van ontwikkeling in Afrika, deels weens die swaar finansiële las wat dit plaas op gemeenskaplike en regeringsvlak. Só moet slagoffers dikwels behandeling, skuiling en berading ontvang. Dit het ook ’n besliste impak op vroue se produktiwiteit in die breër samelewing, aangesien slagoffers van geslagsgebaseerde geweld in sommige gevalle afwesig is uit die werksomgewing om behandel te word of-in meer ernstige gevalle-sterf. Stereotipering en onderdrukking word as uiters gevaarlik beskou, aangesien dit nie nét die ondergeskiktheid van vroue laat voortleef nie; maar boonop jonger generasies van rolmodelle ontneem. Die temas van die studie word verbind met vroulike parlementslede weens hul rolle as beleidsopstellers en wetmakers. Dié vroue het strategiese en belangrike verpligtinge om na te kom in die strewe na geslagsgelykheid. Die persepsie bestaan dat vroue-politici dikwels ’n ander, nuwe perspektief op kwessies bied. Die media kan in dié opsig as ’n waardevolle voertuig aangewend word om die perspektiewe tuis te bring. Die media het ook ’n plig om vryheid van uitdrukking te verseker aan alle landsburgers - ongeag hulle geslag. Ten einde te bepaal of die ideologie deur die Mail & Guardian toegepas is, is ’n feministiese teoretiese aanslag gevolg. Die studie het gebruik gemaak van triangulasie, waartydens beide kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodologieë ingespan is. Die kwantitatiewe metode is gebruik om die mediadekking van vroue-politici te kwantifiseer. Triangulasie is ook tydens die data-insamelingsproses gebruik. Dit het ingesluit die aanwend van inhoudsanalises, asook in-diepte onderhoude. Die bevinding van die studie dui op die oortreding van die Protokol se mediavereistes. Verslaggewing oor vroue-politici is grootliks toegespits op skandale en omstredenheid en beide joernaliste en inhoudsredakteurs blyk onkundig te wees oor die vereistes.

The process which culminated in the establishment of the East African Community (EAC) in 1967 started in the early 1920s. The idea was first conceived in Britain. Initially, East Africans vehemently opposed this idea fearing that it would sustain British hegemony in the region, but their resentment did not prevent the establishment of the East African High Commission (EAHC) in January 1948. It was only in the 1950s and 1960s that East African leaders embraced the idea due to political and economic reasons. In 1961 they converted the EAHC into the East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO) and in 1967 they established the EAC. Nationalism and sub-nationalisms in the region cast a spell on the EAC. The coup, which took place in Uganda in 1971, strained relations between Idi Amin and Presidents Nyerere and Kenyatta thus making it impossible to hold regional meetings. Eventually, the EAC collapsed in June 1977. / Political Science / M.A. (Politics)

Bakgrund och problem: Miljön påverkas av många olika faktorer där både företag, offentliga verksamheter och enskilda individer kan ha en stor negativ påverkan. Genom att offentliga verksamheter är stora ekonomiska aktörer har de ett stort ansvar för att minska dess miljöpåverkan och genom denna roll påverka andra till mer miljömässigt arbete. Bland annat har kommuners omfattande verksamheter både en direkt och en indirekt påverkan på miljön till följd av alla de resurser som spenderas för att utveckla samhället och förbättra människors välfärd. Miljömässiga prestationsmätningar inom den offentliga sektorn har med tiden blivit allt vanligare. Dock poängterar flera forskare att det inte är tillräckligt att man enbart har dessa prestationsmått utan att de också bör användas i verksamheten. Med utgångspunkt i detta var det därmed intressant att studera hur och varför politiker och chefstjänstemän i kommuner använder sig av information från miljömässiga prestationsmätningar. Vidare är politiker och chefstjänstemän beroende av varandra på flera olika sätt, framför allt för att bistå varandra med bland annat information, beslut och mål varpå det blev intressant att studera hur information från miljömässiga prestationsmätningar kommuniceras mellan dessa aktörer. Syfte: Syftet med studien är att undersöka och skapa en ökad förståelse och kunskap för hur och varför politiker samt chefstjänstemän inom svenska kommuner använder sig av information från miljömässiga prestationsmätningar samt hur information från de miljömässiga prestationsmätningarna kommuniceras mellan politikerna och chefstjänstemännen. Metod: I denna studie har en fallstudie som metod legat till grund för den forskning som gjorts. Det teoretiska materialet har samlats in genom tidigare gjord forskning och det empiriska materialet har samlats in genom semi-strukturerade intervjuer. Slutsats: Utifrån studiens resultat har det konstaterats att politiker och chefstjänstemän använder information från miljömässiga prestationsmätningar både internt och externt där den vanligaste användningen är vid utvärdering. Dock används informationen olika mycket och där vissa inte använder sig av informationen alls. Majoriteten av politikerna använder även informationen för att visa ansvarstagande för externa intressenter, varpå det även konstateras att användningen kan bero på legitimitetsskapande. Användningen beror även på hur prioriterad miljöfrågan är i kommunerna samt ifall användarna anser miljömål samt miljömässiga prestationsmått vara diffusa och oklara. En högre prioritering av miljöfrågor är även en vital aspekt till att information från miljömässiga prestationsmätningar används. En mer frekvent kommunikation av miljömässiga mål och mått leder i sin tur även till en högre användning av de miljömässiga prestationsmåtten. / Background: The environment is affected by a various of factors where companies, public sector organizations and individuals are the reason for a major negative impact of it. By public sector organizations being a major economic actor, they also have a major responsibility to reduce their environmental impact and through this role influence other actors to act toward a better environmental work. The comprehensive municipal organizations both have a direct and indirect impact on the environment as a result of all the resources spent on developing society and improving people's welfare. Also, environmental performance measurements in the public sector have become more common. However, several researchers argue that it is not only enough to collect these performance measurements without using it in the organization. It was therefore interesting to study how and why politicians and managers in municipalities use information from environmental performance measurements. In addition, politicians and managers are dependent of each other in a variety of ways, primarily to assist each other with information, decisions and goals, among which it became interesting to study how environmental goals and information from environmental performance measurements are communicated between these actors. Purpose: The purpose of the study is to investigate and create a better understanding of how and why politicians and managers in Swedish municipalities use information from environmental performance measurements and how information from environmental performance measurements is communicated between these politicians and managers. Methods: A case study as a methodology has been the basis for the research conducted. Information has been collected through previous research and semi-structured interviews. Conclusion: Based on the results of the study, it has been found that politicians and managers in Swedish municipalities use information from environmental performance measurements both internally and externally and where the most common use is by evaluating the information. However, the information is used in a variying extent, while some do not use the information at all. The majority of politicians also use the information to show responsibility for external stakeholders, as well as the fact that the use may be due to increasing legitimacy. The use also depends on how environmental issues are prioritized in the municipalities, and if the users consider environmental goals and environmental performance measures to be diffuse and unclear. A higher priority of environmental issues is also a important aspect of using information from environmental performance measurements. A more frequent communication of environmental goals and measures also leads to a higher use of environmental performance measures.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-04-24T17:58:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-25T17:54:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-25T17:54:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-25T18:03:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This enterprise, whose geo-ethnographic impact falls on Muhlabje – one of the neighbourhoods of Macia, southern Mozambique – tries to understand the social relations and political dynamics that move people, community social networks and the Bantu-mozambican authoririties with the municipal bureaucracy and politics, without losing sight of the simultaneously continuous and changing social institutions in that community, which are precedent and in movement with colonial domination and with post-independence Mozambique. The argument also unfolds in capturing the social situations intertwined with each other in a continuous and transdynamic flow, that is, the worship of the ancestors, the ceremony by the Mozambican heroes, the achievements of agriculture, the purchase and sale of a land, the wine donated to the community by politicians and agricultural products donated by the community to politicians and bureaucrats and local feasts are activities-social institutes that cut across the supposed institutional divisions of the impersonal republican bureaucracy and (as opposed to) interpersonal relations (Municipality and communities [neopatrimonialism/clientelism]), the reason why this flow gains the concept of bureaucratictransinstitutional reciprocities. / Este empreendimento, cuja incidência geo-etnográfica recai sobre Muhlabje – um dos bairros do Município de Macia, sul de Moçambique –, tenta compreender as relações sociais e dinâmicas políticas que movimentam as pessoas, as redes sociais da comunidade e as autoridades bantu-mocambicanas e estas, na mesma via das interações políticas, com a burocracia e política municipal, sem perder de vista as instituições sociais simultaneamente contínuas e em mudanças, naquela comunidade, precedentes e em movimento com a dominação colonial e com Moçambique pós-Independente. O argumento desdobra-se, ainda, em capturar as situações sociais entrelaçadas umas com as outras num fluxo contínuo e transdinâmico, ou seja, o culto dos antepassados, a cerimônia pelos heróis moçambicanos, os ganhos de agricultura, a compra e venda de um terreno, o vinho doado à comunidade pelos políticos e os produtos de agricultura doados pela comunidade aos políticos e burocratas e as festas locais são atividades-institutos sociais que cortam transversalmente as supostas divisões institucionais da burocracia republicana impessoal e (em contraposição às) relações interpessoais (Município e comunidades [neopatrimonialismo/clientelismo]), razão pela qual esse fluxo ganha o conceito de reciprocidades burocrático-transinstitucionais.

In today’ democracies, we, citizens, elect individuals to represent us, to talk on our behalf. In this way, political leaders embody the beliefs, wishes, and will of populations, and must act as citizens’ representatives. However, nowadays, a crisis of confidence seems emerge between citizens and politicians. The particular leadership pacing political systems can give to us an interesting point of view to understand this phenomenon. In this way, it is essential, for all of us, citizens, to understand what define us as such, what is our role, what kind of power is in our hands. It is also necessary to understand what the role of politicians elected as representatives is. More significantly, it is a necessity for all of us to have a critical look about what the core components of our societies are. Thereby, in this thesis, I give an enlighten point of view about the meaning of leadership in political systems. I hold six different perspectives in the aim of emphasizing the components of political systems, our role of citizens, and the role of political leaders. Those six perspectives are the following: the reasons explaining the emergence of societies, the role and the explanations about the existence of political parties, the characteristics of political leaders, the characteristics of citizens as political followers, the importance of the authenticity in political systems and finally the moral and ethical dimension as a necessity in the way to handle power.

Depuis le début des années 1980, les élus locaux ont progressivement construit leur capacité à répondre au « problème » de l’intégration des étrangers. Cette mise à l’agenda politique a émergé en raison de sollicitations de la part du pôle associatif de l’espace local de la cause des étrangers et d’une dynamique de territorialisation des politiques d’ « intégration des étrangers » encouragée par l’État. Toutefois, c’est avec l’arrivée de nouvelles équipes municipales en 1989 que les exécutifs municipaux ont accru leurs revendications pour de nouvelles compétences sur cette thématique. Cette dynamique d’affirmation de nouvelles compétences pour les villes s’est poursuivie au cours des décennies 1990 et 2000 aussi bien dans l’espace européen que face aux autorités étatiques. Néanmoins, l’institutionnalisation d’une politique municipale d’ « intégration des étrangers » peine à avoir lieu en raison d’un engagement politique qui reste limité et de la montée en puissance d’un paradigme concurrent, celui de la « discrimination ethno-raciale ». Finalement, les exécutifs municipaux ont délaissé une action visant à résoudre les phénomènes de discriminations et d’exclusion socio-économiques des populations étrangères et de leurs enfants. L’enquête menée met en lumière plusieurs ressorts de cette dynamique générale. En premier lieu, elle permet de démontrer la force de la variable politics dans la conduite de l’action publique. Ensuite, l’enquête permet de saisir le rôle joué par la scène européenne dans le processus de contestation de la suprématie des autorités étatiques par les villes. Enfin, l’analyse des dispositifs mis en place par les trois villes étudiées révèle l’usage du critère ethnique dans le façonnement de la figure de l’ « étranger » visé par les actions municipales d’ « intégration ». / Since the early eighties, local politicians have started to claim their competencies to solve the « problem » of « integration ». Activists in favour of migrants and some national organisations have acted to make that “problem” a top priority on the political agenda. With new mayors elected in Lyon, Nantes and Strasbourg in 1989, cities have been clearly determined to increase their competencies on this topic in front of the State. This process was also noticeable at the European level in network of cities even if French cities stressed out the specific French philosophy of integration. In the 2000s, the setting up of units dedicated to “integration” reveals how local policies on “integration” have started to be institutionalised. However, the rising issue of the fight against discrimination has provoked the disappearance of an active local policy to solve the socio-economic issues migrants and ethnic minorities are facing. Our analysis reveals how politics do matter in policies and how the European level is seen as an opportunity to criticize the supremacy of the State. Last but not least, whereas France is described to be blind to ethnic communities, we stress out how city actions are laying down ethnicity to determine who is a « foreigner ».

Le développement du vélo en ville constitue aujourd’hui un impératif pour les élus, notamment au regard des injonctions en faveur du développement durable. Dans les années 2000, les dispositifs de vélos en libre service se sont imposés dans la majorité des villes européennes. Si leur développement a été guidé par des considérations écologiques, ces dispositifs valorisent plus généralement l’innovation politico-institutionnelle et le dynamisme économique des villes. Ces dispositifs se sont imposés grâce à des réseaux transnationaux structurés autour de la thématique du vélo. Ces réseaux invitent à considérer les échanges transnationaux comme vecteurs de transformations dans l’action publique urbaine. Les préoccupations pour le développement du vélo ont une histoire qui s’inscrit dans une série d’interactions entre les villes depuis les années 1970. L’analyse de la formation et des effets des réseaux transnationaux du vélo permet de définir des périodes et des régularités dans ces recompositions qui affectent à la fois les politiques du vélo en ville et l’organisation des pouvoirs politiques urbains. Une première période structurée par l’activité transnationale des associations de défense du vélo invite à comprendre le rôle des échanges dans la définition d’un problème public puis sa mise à l’agenda dans l’ensemble des villes européennes au cours des années 1970. Le traitement des problèmes pousse les élus et les agents administratifs à s’investir dans les échanges transnationaux pour construire une nouvelle compétence municipale fondée sur les expertises associatives. Cet investissement des municipalités caractérise la deuxième période, dans laquelle les municipalités s’affirment dans la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques du vélo en institutionnalisant des réseaux de collectivités au cours des années 1980-1990. Enfin, une troisième période s’engage à partir des années 2000 avec l’arrivée des entreprises du mobilier urbain et de l’affichage publicitaire dans les échanges transnationaux. Cet investissement des entreprises engendre une intense circulation des systèmes de vélos en libre service et confronte les élus urbains à l’exercice d’une régulation des relations avec ces grandes firmes, autant dans les interactions transnationales que dans celles qui se déroulent sur les territoires pour la gestion des services urbains. Ces réseaux transnationaux du vélo sont un moyen d’organiser les pouvoirs locaux et de légitimer les élus municipaux dans la conduite de l’action publique urbaine. / Today, development of urban cycling is a must for politicians, particularly considering injunctions in favor of sustainable development. In the 2000s, bike sharing systems emerged in most European cities. If development was guided by ecological considerations, more generally, these services add value to political and institutional innovation and to the economic vitality of cities. Bike sharing systems were imposed thanks to transnational networks around the theme of the bike. These networks invite us to consider transnational exchanges as vectors of change in urban policies. The development of cycling has a history which is the result of many interactions between cities since the 1970s. The analysis of the creation and the effects of bicycle transnational networks allows us to define time periods and patterns in the evolutions that affect both urban cycling policies and organization of urban political power. A first period, structured by transnational activity of urban cyclist associations, helps us to understand the role of these interactions in the definition of a public issue, and of the inclusion of these questions in the agenda of many European cities during the 1970s. Problem solving encourages decision makers to engage in transnational exchanges to build a new municipal jurisdiction based on associative expertise. This municipal investment characterizes the second period, in which municipalities intensify the implementation of cyclist public policies by institutionalizing city networks in the years 1980-1990. Finally, a third period begins in the 2000s, with the appearance of companies in the area of urban furniture and outdoor advertising in transnational exchanges. These firms generate a heavy circulation of bike sharing systems, and pose the question for decision makers how to manage their relationships with these large companies, both on a transnational level and as far as the management of urban services is concerned. These bicycle transnational networks are a way to organize local authorities and to legitimate decision makers in the management of urban public policies.

The Diploma thesis focuses on the issues of social exclusion and people threatened by social exclusion phenomenon. In the thesis I address the process of social inclusion, which is related to socially excluded localities based on particular characteristics and local problems. A separate chapter is devoted to the method of community work that is focused on the effective response to the needs of socially excluded people. Furthermore I emphasize the work of the Agency for Social Inclusion, a major instrument of the Government of the Czech Republic, providing support to municipalities in the process of social integration. The relationship of the majority towards the socially excluded is also discussed within the thesis. Many studies consider the municipality and its government to represent the key role in the process of social inclusion of people endangered by social exclusion. However in the reality there are big differences among the municipalities with regard to the operation and support of socially excluded people. Social departments of some municipalities are acting proactively, others are not. The main difference lies in the self-government approach. Therefore I decided to focus my Diploma thesis research on this particular issue. The aim of the thesis is to describe the attitudes of the members...