Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Carlos Franco.pdf: 633689 bytes, checksum: c02336627780ffd59b0d8c8a9cca207a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis presents an investigation about the feeling and emotions of Art teachers who have been acting into a Paulista State school of teaching followed by changes that happened last decades. To develop this study we chose to qualitative research using a semi structured interview. There were light teachers of Art who participated of this work acting in a Teaching Directory of Great São Paulo region , professionals that are well known to execute their work in the community. Our study is guided by the Theory of Henri Wallon who discussed the human being development as an integration result between the organism and the environment, the organic and the social as well as the affective, cognitive and coordination reactions. We could also check the speech of teachers that educational changers were derived from public politicians into Paulista s governments who had engaged the environment of work of Art teachers, whit full classes, low salaries, extensive period of work, lack of didactic materials and an appropriate room to the teaching of Art, among others and developed feelings of in satisfaction, revolt and disgusting on teacher. It was also possible to verify that those factors rohich had promoted problems and make the action difficult to teachers of Art by not causing the rules asked by these professionals who have with the education and teaching a serious program that showed actual and constant improvement of their docent practice and an engaged program with those young people who they act, what has revealed through attitudes of care, responsibility to the development of their teaching process, of students and also by themselves established / Esta tese apresenta uma investigação sobre os sentimentos e emoções dos professores de Arte que atuam na Rede Estadual de Ensino paulista frente às mudanças que se efetivaram nas últimas três décadas. Para desenvolver este estudo optamos por uma pesquisa de natureza qualitativa utilizando a entrevista semi-estruturada. Participaram da pesquisa oito professores de Arte que atuam em uma Diretoria de Ensino da Grande São Paulo, profissionais estes que têm seu trabalho reconhecido na comunidade onde atuam. Nosso estudo está orientado pela proposta teórica de Henri Wallon, que contempla o desenvolvimento humano como resultado da integração entre o organismo e o meio, entre o orgânico e o social, bem como dos domínios afetivo, cognitivo e motor. Pudemos constatar no discurso dos professores que as mudanças educacionais decorrentes das políticas públicas nos governos paulistas comprometeram o ambiente de trabalho dos professores de Arte, com salas superlotadas, salários baixos, carga excessiva de trabalho, falta de materiais didáticos e salas apropriadas para o ensino de Arte, entre outros, e desencadearam sentimentos de insatisfação, revolta e desilusão nos professores. Por outro lado, também verificamos que esses fatores que interferiram no trabalho e dificultaram a ação dos docentes de Arte não comprometeram o compromisso que estes profissionais têm com a educação e com o ensino, pois se mostraram atualizados e em constante busca de aprimoramento de sua prática docente e compromissados com os jovens com que atuam, o que se revelou por atitudes de cuidado, zelo e responsabilidade para com o desenvolvimento do seu ensino, dos seus alunos e de si próprios

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcia Maria Biondi Pinheiro.pdf: 792557 bytes, checksum: be56a8a24d628c525d4c178e8f7963a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-17 / The present work is searching to analize the social control trajectory on social politic assistance, having as locus the National Social Assistance Counsel, discussing the localization of public and private interest of such perspective, starting from 2003 gestions. For this motive,the principal aproaches about social control realized in Brazil , with a a descrption of CNAS, as stage of the experience of those two interests, as a reference in the history of the political and social Brazilian formation, questions that even today pass through social assistance.It describe still the principal fights that the Brazilian people undertake in search of democracy, giving special attention to the arise of new personages in the country and in the social assistance, locating the social assistance birth nominated here as MAS. The CNAS is also focated under it s paritarian composition,civil society and government, after reflexive analysis about such categories. After a definiton of the referential analysis , is realized the activity classification of CNAS at the gestions, since 2003. Finally, the principal analysis of his object is taken followed by the necessary agenda for the advance of popular participaton in the social assistance / Este trabalho procura analisar a trajetória do controle social na política de assistência social, tendo como lócus o Conselho Nacional de Assistência Social, discutindo a localização do interesse público e o privado nessa perspectiva, nas gestões a partir de 2003. Para tanto, traz as principais abordagens realizadas no Brasil sobre o controle social, descreve o CNAS, palco da vivência desses dois interesses, bem como referencia na história da formação política e social brasileira as questões que ainda hoje perpassam a assistência social. Descreve, ainda, as principais lutas que a população brasileira empreendeu na busca da democracia, dando especial atenção ao momento do surgimento dos novos personagens no país e na assistência social, localizando o nascimento do movimento da assistência social aqui denominado MAS. O CNAS também é focado, em sua composição paritária, sociedade civil e governo, após análises reflexivas sobre essas categorias. Após a definição de referenciais de análise, é realizada a classificação das atividades do CNAS nas gestões, desde o ano de 2003. Por fim, retoma as principais análises de seu objeto e, em seguida, aponta a agenda necessária para o avanço da participação popular na assistência social

There is a gender gap in United States politics; men are over represented, and prioritize issues/policies differently compared with women. Stereotypes may be associated depending on group memberships. Stereotypes of men (competent) are consistent and stereotypes of women (warm) are inconsistent with politicians (competent). I examined stereotypes of major/non-major political parties, and how party affiliation affects whether stereotypes about men/male politicians/women/female politicians predict female politicians’ traits. Stereotype valence ascribed to political parties is important because people vote for a positively viewed party/representative. I assessed the strength and valence of stereotypes associated with political parties, and found major parties were viewed more positively than non-major parties, and the Democratic and Republican parties were viewed more positively than the Independent Party (Study 1). I found warmth and competence attributes ascribed to women/female politicians/men/male politicians predicted Karen Johnson’s warmth and competence depending on whether Karen Johnson was a major or non-major party candidate. When men/male politicians were perceived as competent Karen Johnson was perceived as competent, but no relationship between men/male politicians’ warmth and Karen Johnson’s warmth emerged. When women/female politicians were perceived as warm/competent, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm/competent. As a major candidate, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm/competent when women/female politicians were perceived as warm/competent. However, when Karen Johnson was a non-major candidate, there was no relationship between women’s competence and Karen Johnson’s competence, and when women/female politicians were perceived as warm, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm (Study 2). Women in office and members of multiple social groups are discussed.

In 2011, South Sudan became independent through the agreement and implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA). However, interethnic conflict also escalated. This cycle of violence impacts the psychological and physical health of local society. When violence between ethnic groups escalates, civilians may be forced to flee their homes. This study employed a phenomenological research approach that examined the views and experiences of the recruited 13 members from the state of Jonglei; 5 members of the Dinka, 3 members of the Murle, and 5 members of the Nuer ethnic groups residing in the United States. In an attempt to understand the root causes of the conflict between ethnic groups, this research used a qualitative study plan that examined interethnic politics, perceptions, and beliefs among South Sudanese ethnic groups: Dinka, Murle, and Nuer. In addition, this study examined the presence of armed ethnic groups, the use of guns, and the relationship between trauma caused by past exposure or experience of violence and subsequent interethnic groups conflict. Data were analyzed with descriptive and patterned coding. The 5 identified themes from analysis of the collected data were: roles of ethnic identity, lack of trust in the system of the distribution of resources, roles of ethnic politicians, uncontrollable use of guns and defense of ethnic territory. In addition, the past war incidents between ethnic groups have a negative impact on the present relationship. The findings of this research may create positive social change for ethnic groups and for communities who may use it as an opportunity to understand their own problems and to establish an ethnic advocacy type of conflict resolution in South Sudan.

This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.

本文欲探討，政商關係的建立是否必然會導致企業的獲利？之前對於此一相關主題的研究雖然驗證了政商關係的存在及其影響力，但按著這樣的思維，我們容易把政商關係視為只是單一面向的互動，忽略了國家的角色。我們將從台灣資本主義國家的政權特性開始，探討以此開展出來的政商關係型態。本文嘗試在理論上結合「社會中心」與「國家中心」的論述，建立一個政商關係多樣型態的分析架構，再以此觀察具有政商關係的企業，在不同型態的政商關係□的獲利情形。 目 錄 第一章 緒 論1 第一節、研究動機與目的1 第二節、文獻檢閱4 第三節、章節安排11 第二章 理論架構與研究方法13 第一節、前 言13 第二節、理論架構13 第三節、研究方法24 第四節、結 語35 第三章 台灣資本主義國家的性質37 第一節、前 言37 第二節、國家力量38 第三節、公營事業46 第四節、國民黨投資事業52 第五節、結 語58 第四章 平常時期的政商關係59 第一節、前 言59 第二節、地方資本家的興起59 第三節、國家為資產階級利益服務66 第四節、結 語76 第五章 危機時期的政商關係79 第一節、前 言79 第二節、資本主義體系優於個別資本家80 第三節、執政利益優先的考量89 第四節、結 語92 第六章 結 論95 第一節、 研究發現95 第二節、 研究限制98 第三節、 研究建議99 附錄一、具企業財團背景立委參與經濟、財政、交通委員會情形101 附錄二、研究母體中各企業獲利情況102 參考資料108 圖 次 圖2.1：政商關係型態圖20 圖2.2：平常時期的政商關係21 圖2.3：危機時期的政商關係23 圖3.1：國民黨七大控股公司及重要轉投資事業一覽表54 圖4.1：歷年具企業財團背景立委首次進入立法院人數比例分配圖61 圖4.2：平常時期製造業企業平均純益折線圖68 圖4.3：達永興實業於平常時期獲利折線圖69 圖4.4：平常時期服務業企業平均純益折線圖72 圖4.5：欣欣大眾於平常時期獲利折線圖73 圖4.6：九七年（平常時期）金融業企業獲利直條圖75 圖5.1：危機時期製造業企業平均純益折線圖81 圖5.2：危機時期服務業企業平均純益折線圖83 圖5.3：金融業企業平均純益折線圖86 圖5.4：欣欣大眾於危機時期獲利折線圖91 圖5.5：九六年國民黨投資事業獲利直條圖91 圖5.6：九八年國民黨投資事業獲利直條圖92 表 次 表2.1：立委所屬大企業分類表27 表2.2：一九八六年至一九九八年的政經景況33 表3.1：已移轉民營事業表50 表3.2：民營化企業董事會成員表51 表3.3：七大控股公司稅後純益明細55 表3.4：七大控股公司持股50%以上實際經營公司家數57 表4.1：威權政體轉型前後出現的企業形成本質差異簡表60 表4.2：立法委員所屬企業背景63 表4.3：具企業財團背景立委參與經濟、財政、交通委員會人數統計65 表4.4：平常時期製造業企業獲利情形67 表4.5：平常時期服務業企業獲利情形71 表4.6：6家新銀行主要的投資財團74 表5.1：危機時期製造業企業獲利情形81 表5.2：危機時期服務業企業獲利情形83 表5.3：金融業企業獲利情形85 表5.4：一般產業與金融產業的差異87 / The thesis wants to discuss that, whether the establishment of relations between politicians and business conduce the enterprises gain profits consequentlly? The related studies about

Includes bibliographical references.

<p>Radon is a hazardous substance that cannot be perceived by our senses. It has long been known that exposure to high radon levels for a long period of time will ultimately cause lung cancer. The Swedish Radiation Safety Authority estimates that 500 people die annually due to this. Although most of them are smokers, even non-smokers suffer from lung cancer caused by radon. The statutory value for radon in homes today is 200 Bq/m³. Several years of research points to the fact that 63% of all those who develop lung cancer have been exposed to radon levels between 100-200 Bq/m³. This is why the WHO has lowered the recommended value to  100 Bq/m³,  and The Radiation Safety Authority of Sweden also has the same recommendation today. This study has been rendered to the Municipality of Eskilstuna, and its environmental and emergency management. The study has identified 72 % of the rental properties for radon measurements and action through personal visits to 14 large and medium-sized property managers in Eskilstuna. Several conclusions can be made from the study. Generally, very few measurements have been made and these have shown 6 % of high radon levels. The various property managers are at very different levels regarding their work with radon and there are very big differences amongst them as regards giving priority to the issue with radon. In 2020, the Swedish parliament has decided that no one should be exposed to radon levels above 200 Bq/m³ in their homes. Today there is legislation that applies against radon in apartment buildings as well as effective methods to reduce radon levels. However, the problem is instead the fact that there is a lack of resources at hand for the public health inspectors. Consequently, it seems rather impossible achieving the goal set for 2020. Thus it is of utmost interest to highlight this problem for the politicians that ultimately set the budget for the services in the municipality.</p>

Radon is a hazardous substance that cannot be perceived by our senses. It has long been known that exposure to high radon levels for a long period of time will ultimately cause lung cancer. The Swedish Radiation Safety Authority estimates that 500 people die annually due to this. Although most of them are smokers, even non-smokers suffer from lung cancer caused by radon. The statutory value for radon in homes today is 200 Bq/m³. Several years of research points to the fact that 63% of all those who develop lung cancer have been exposed to radon levels between 100-200 Bq/m³. This is why the WHO has lowered the recommended value to  100 Bq/m³,  and The Radiation Safety Authority of Sweden also has the same recommendation today. This study has been rendered to the Municipality of Eskilstuna, and its environmental and emergency management. The study has identified 72 % of the rental properties for radon measurements and action through personal visits to 14 large and medium-sized property managers in Eskilstuna. Several conclusions can be made from the study. Generally, very few measurements have been made and these have shown 6 % of high radon levels. The various property managers are at very different levels regarding their work with radon and there are very big differences amongst them as regards giving priority to the issue with radon. In 2020, the Swedish parliament has decided that no one should be exposed to radon levels above 200 Bq/m³ in their homes. Today there is legislation that applies against radon in apartment buildings as well as effective methods to reduce radon levels. However, the problem is instead the fact that there is a lack of resources at hand for the public health inspectors. Consequently, it seems rather impossible achieving the goal set for 2020. Thus it is of utmost interest to highlight this problem for the politicians that ultimately set the budget for the services in the municipality.

The major objective has been to create tools for analyzing the reasoning regarding the school the different actors involved - pupils, teachers, school and politicians show. A subordinate aim was to explore relevance in this connection of eight studies carried out by the author 1979 – 1999 concerning three basic areas: the pedagogical processes at the school level, at the teacher education level and at the level of school change. I conclude that a recurring question is that of the relevance and the sense of meaningfulness experienced by those involved in different educational processes. In one of the eight empirical studies, termed the compulsory-school teacher study (1997), an approach to analyzing what teacher trainees find relevant in their work in schools is presented, involving two basic concepts, those of the event space and the relational space. In considering these concepts in terms of Alfred Schutz' theory of the lifeworld, I rename the relational space the space of contemporaries. A new study is also reported in this thesis – Teachers and schoolpoliticians in the pedagogical process of school change, the LoP-study. In considering the earlier eight studies in conjunction with the LoP-study, I find the studies to have dealt with personal processes and societal processes as well as pedagogical processes in how the parties involved reason in talking about the school. Three different aspects of the processes are distinguished: meta-aspects, connected with the aims a given process has; core aspects, connected with what one concretely does; and approach aspects, pertaining to how the persons involved relate to each other and to the process. In analyzing the LoP- interviews carried out with use of the tools developed – enabling different processes and aspects of these to be analyzed – I find marked individual differences in the patterns of different aspects of the processes involved. The width of the event space and of the space of contemporaries on the part both of the teachers and of the politicians were found to vary considerably. A conclusion drawn is that further development of the tools created would be worthwhile. It also seems possible to apply these tools to other areas, such as those of the scientific community with its research processes and of the political community with its steering processes.