Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jaime de Oliveira Soares.pdf: 443262 bytes, checksum: 328172ed74888e67570fd3f3bb4d7473 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-13 / This research has as discusses the role that the people exercise in the formation of political identities and the construction of political speeches by political movements in Latin America: who are the people in contemporary mass society? What is the weight of its role in social and political events of national social formations in recent history? This study therefore aims to partially reconstruct the main path along the "theory of populism" in the work of academic researcher and teacher, born in Argentina and settled in England, Ernesto Laclau, with the aim of studying its core elements, besides presenting its ruptures and continuities front of historical events. Another objective, also sought, is to present part of the debate of ideas involving currently such a theory within the social sciences, presenting some of his interlocutors. We believe that these objectives are critical to the future that we can produce policy analysis about the political movements in countries (national social formations) in Latin America / Esta pesquisa tem como problemática o papel que o povo exerce no processo de formação das identidades políticas e na construção de discursos políticos por movimentos políticos na América Latina: quem é o povo na sociedade de massas contemporânea? Qual é o peso de seu papel nos acontecimentos sociais e políticos das formações sociais nacionais na história recente? O presente trabalho, portanto, tem por objetivo principal reconstruir parcialmente o longo trajeto da teoria do populismo na obra acadêmica do pesquisador e professor, nascido na Argentina e radicado na Inglaterra, Ernesto Laclau, com o intuito de estudar alguns seus elementos centrais, além de apresentar suas rupturas e continuidades frente aos acontecimentos históricos. Como objetivo específico, também almejado, pretende apresentar parte do debate de ideias que envolve, atualmente, tal teoria dentro das nas ciências sociais, apresentando alguns de seus interlocutores. Pensa-se que tais objetivos são fundamentais para que se consiga futuramente produzir análises políticas acerca das movimentações políticas nos países (as formações sociais nacionais) da America Latina

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:33:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jefferson Ferreira Alvarenga.pdf: 1601040 bytes, checksum: 0349767df349872a7bdb0cbbe2977385 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-26 / Este estudo procura entender a experiência populista na política do Espírito Santo, levando em consideração as mudanças estruturais do período compreendido entre 1959-1966, ou seja, os governos de Carlos Lindenberg (1959-1962) e Francisco Lacerda de Aguiar (1963-1966). Também, buscamos analisar o populismo, a partir do comportamento desempenhado por estas lideranças políticas e seus respectivos projetos políticos no processo da transformação da sociedade capixaba. Em outras palavras, perceber como essas lideranças políticas se comportaram diante da transformação da sociedade tradicional/agrária para uma sociedade urbano/industrial. Para comparar as ações políticas dos dois governadores, utilizamos fontes primárias e secundárias obtidas no Arquivo Público Estadual, na Assembleia Legislativa do Espírito Santo e na Biblioteca Pública Estadual do Espírito Santo, desse modo, partimos da seguinte hipótese: o populismo no estado do Espírito Santo foi diferenciado do modelo comum recorrente na região sudeste, por causa das suas características peculiares que emergiram no processo de sua formação social e histórica. Neste processo observamos a hegemonia das elites vinculadas a exportação e a produção do café, tanto no campo econômico, quanto na estrutura política. Essa hegemonia dificultou a manifestação do populismo como experiência política, e também forçou os laços de compromissos entre as elites cafeeiras e os dirigentes políticos governamentais. Todavia, as transformações capitalistas industriais em curso no Brasil, a partir da década de 1950, como também a crise do café iniciada em 1955, bem como o processo de urbanização (migração campo-cidade), impuseram as lideranças políticas modificações de suas práticas políticas, por ser tratar de um novo ambiente sociopolítico e econômico que se afirmava. Esse novo ambiente heterogêneo socialmente proporcionou a Carlos Lindenberg e Francisco Lacerda de Aguiar a modificar suas práticas políticas, e direcioná-las as massas populares rurais e urbanas, assim, o apoio dessas massas populares passou a ser fundamental, tanto quanto o das elites cafeeiras. Tais mudanças implicaram em vários benefícios materiais às massas populares, como a ampliação dos benefícios da saúde, educação, habitação, saneamento básico e etc. Entretanto, a experiência populista no estado do Espírito Santo entra em declínio com o movimento militar de 1964. Embora o governador Lacerda de Aguiar apoiasse tal movimento, as contradições entre a experiência populista no Espírito Santo e as práticas dos governos militares manifestaram-se em 1965, com as denúncias de corrupção, o resultado disto foi a renúncia do governador Francisco Lacerda de Aguiar. Portanto podemos concluir que o populismo no Espírito Santo, é resultado de uma transformação complexa, que envolve diversas variáveis como o campo social, o político e o econômico. Ainda mais, no populismo do Espírito Santo encontramos a participação tanto dos segmentos populares urbanos e rurais, como também, das elites cafeeiras. Por causa dessa complexidade, as duas lideranças políticas analisadas tiveram que por várias vezes modificar suas práticas políticas com a finalidade de manter-se no poder, numa conjuntura de ambiguidades. / This work tries to understand the populism aspects of politics in the state of Espírito Santo, taking in consideration the structure of the period of time between 1959 and 1966, which considers the governments of Carlos Lindenberg (1959-1962) and Francisco Lacerda de Aguiar (1963-1966). Here also, we analisethe aspects, of behavior of those political leaders and their own politics projects beyond of transformation of the local society. In other words, feeling how those leaders behave before the transformation of traditional/agrarian society to urban/industry society. To compare the action of those two governments, we used as primary and secundary sources, the Biblioteca Pública Estadual, in Assembleia Legislativa of Espírito Santo. So we start from the hypothesis: the populism, was different of ordinary model present in the southeast region, caused by its peculiarity that came out of its social and historical generation process. In that process we observed the domain of class linked to production and exportation coffee, in the economic field as well as the political structure. This supremacy generates difficulties to populism manifestation as a political experience, and forces the creation of link between the coffee Elite and government leaders. Nevertheless, that capitalist industry transformation in curse in the country, since the fifties, as well as the coffee crisis initiated in 1955, and the urbanization process imposed to the political leaders change their political praxis, because of the new and consolidated economical and sociopolitical environment. This new and heterogeneous social environment gives to those leaders, Carlos Lindenberg and Francisco Lacerda an opportunity to modify their political praxis and gives to them other direction, toward rural and urban population, making these support fundamental, like coffee elite support. Such changes resulted in many benefits to society, like better health assistance, education, sanitation, etc. However, the populism experience in the Espírito Santo state decays with the Military movement of 1964. Although governor Lacerda gave support to the movement, the conflicts between the populism and the military practice became apparent in 1965 with corruption complaints, resulting his resignation. We can deduce that the populism in the state of Espírito Santo is a result of a complex transformation which involves many variables in the social, political and economical fields. Yet in that populism we can find that the urban and rural masses and the coffee class, work together. Because this complexities, these two leaders in many opportunities changed their strategies to keep their position power in, in the middle of that ambiguous conjucture.

Hungary has struggled with budget problems throughout its post-socialist history. With knowledge of economic theory it is possible to analyze the evolution of Hungary's debt after 1989 and thus deduce its weaknesses. Populism and fiscal irresponsibility have characterized majority of Hungarian governments to some extent. Hence, the key to understanding the debt of Hungary may be found on the political level of budgetary policy. With regard to the economic situation, Hungary was forced to implement significant cost-saving measures in recent years. These measures are evaluated at the end of the work. They can be crucial not only in terms of the budgetary situation but also with respect to the perspective on the future economic development and competitiveness of the entire economy.

The aim of the paper is to do a quantitative comparison of the manifestos from a number of European parties that are being put in a mutual party family often referred to as “radical right-wing populist”. The main primary source is the Comparative Manifesto Project database from which the data was gathered for analysis. A number of variables which operationalise typical traits of the party family were picked from the codebook of the database and the parties’ values of these variables were compared and presented in diagrams. Through the analysis it was shown that the parties vary to a great extent in what they put the greatest focus on in their manifestos. It could also be concluded that even parties which had similar values in one category still brought it up from different angles. The essay also brings up suggestions for future research within the same area of research.

Social science scholars mainly regard dehumanization as a phenomenon of conflict and war. Concurrently, dehumanizing attitudes and behavior in democratic, non-conflict settings is a significant field within social psychology. Given the rise of right-wing populism and populist rhetoric, there is reason to believe that dehumanization has nestled its way into political discourse. With this background, the current study has investigated whether dehumanizing attitudes allegedly held by citizens are also expressed in their political arguments. Dehumanization can lead to support for aggression, discrimination, and violence even in democratic societies. Therefore, it is essential for political scientists to acknowledge its existence, as dehumanization can have a severe impact on equality and the defense of human rights. This paper is a cross-cutting study, which bridges the gap between political science and social psychology in the study of dehumanization by answering the question: Whether and how dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging in everyday politics? Discursive dehumanization on social media was mapped with the help of a novel analytical tool for content analysis. Social psychology has shown that people hold dehumanizing attitudes, and this study has shown that people are also willing to express these attitudes. This study finds that dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging to a significant degree. Dehumanization is mainly used in negative depictions of beggars, which undermine their moral capacity, civility, and refinement. The results of this study provide a foundation for studying both discursive dehumanization and dehumanization in political science.

This thesis investigates discursive identity creation used in the discourses of the governing populist political parties of Hungary and Poland, Fidesz and PiS. Considering the important role construction of social identities play in populism, this article argues that we need to enhance our understanding of how the Self and the Other is described and used in populist discourse. The analytical framework draws on earlier literature from the broader field of populism as well as from the fields of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), security studies and discourse analysis. In this thesis, the Self is conceptualised as Hungary and Poland, respectively, and the Other is conceptualised as the West. The findings show that Hungary and Poland are depicted as unique, strong and brave, and that “the people” share a common and distinctive culture. Meanwhile, the West is depicted as controlling and not to be trusted. The historical victimization of the nation in relation to the West is important, and used to legitimize the current relationship of the two. Moreover, both discourses use similar rhetoric strategies to defend these identities. However, the analysis also points to differences between the discourse used by PiS and the discourse used by Fidesz, where the latter is more extreme in its identity construction. Hungary is depicted as more unique and the identity of the West entail a more radical degree of Otherness carrying a more direct threat towards the existence of the Hungarian nation. In the discourse used by PiS, on the other hand, the West does pose a threat to the sovereignty of the Polish nation, but Poland simultaneously identifies with and wishes to integrate further with the West. Lastly, the findings show that the discursive identity construction of Hungary, Polandand the West is closely related to new legislation planned or implemented by the parties, and is hence not only a rhetoric device.

This study examines the rise of populism in Hungary and Poland through the Fidesz and Law and Justice (PiS) parties. As a relatively new terminology, the study begins by dissecting the various definitions of populism to establish a universal set of criteria to define the ideology. The majority of experts suggest that populist leaders campaign using a rhetoric of “us versus them” that encourages the population to feel that its general will is not being accurately represented. This strategy is particularly effective in Eastern European nations whose USSR roots makes them skeptical of globalization and paranoid of any loss of sovereignty. The study outlines three major underlying themes that led to the rise of populist parties in Poland and Hungary. First, the neoliberal reforms enacted during a post-communism shock therapy era created a level of poverty and wealth disparity that made citizens eager to return to the leftist economic platforms of Fidesz and PiS. Second, the newness of Poland and Hungary’s political system and continued communist elite system led to a level of corruption in the new government that left citizens with a growing distrust towards more traditional parties. Finally, both PiS and Fidesz capitalized off of the European migration crisis to stoke socially conservative fears and rally nativism. This study finds that these populist parties are successful due to their ability to capitalize off of the frustrations and fears of the common citizen who feels forgotten in a globalized society.

This paper will analyze the variations in presidential policy towards the state of Israel. The main objective is to assess why and how presidents have differed since the Truman presidency. The presidents observed have a certain degree of variation and this variation has little to do with party identification. The foreign policy was mainly crafted to respond to communist expansion, the development of terrorism, pressure from American Jews, and the president’s personal connection with people of the Jewish faith.

In the context of California’s progressive political culture and growing economic inequality, a grassroots secessionist movement in rural northern California called the State of Jefferson movement arose in 2013. While the movement resembles other populist uprisings, its grievances are particular to its geographic, historical, and political context. Many tend to generalize populist campaigns as sinister or illiberal; however, this thesis finds that the State of Jefferson movement contains elements of populism as well as classical liberalism and republicanism. Through qualitative research, this thesis argues that movements of this sort are both inevitable in liberal democracy and also serve a legitimate purpose in strengthening democracy by calling for reform and good government. Growing political polarization, especially with the rise of Trump, and rural-urban cleavages in the United States beg for movements like the State of Jefferson to receive inquiry.

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