Diese Publikation einer Masterarbeit leistet einen Beitrag, die bestehende Forschungslücke hinsichtlich der Rolle rechtspopulistischer Parteien in Regierungsbildungsprozessen zu füllen. Warum haben sich etablierte Parteien und Rechtspopulisten für eine bestimmte Konstellation entschieden? Welche Probleme traten durch den spezifisch rechtspopulistischen Charakter bei der Regierungsbildung auf? Welche Alternativen gibt es? Mittels eines vergleichenden Ansatzes werden dabei als Fallbeispiele die Regierungsbildungsprozesse nach drei Wahlen zu nationalen Parlamenten im Jahr 2010 in Belgien, den Niederlanden und Schweden analysiert.

The impact of the World Depression of 1929 and the 2nd World War on many developing countries has been significant in terms of economic and political changes. Among the important transformations, changes in accumulation models, political discourses, balance of class forces and/or political regimes can be mentioned. The main objective of this thesis is to undertake a critical review of the debates centring on the concept of populism in Latin America as well as in Turkey so as to account for these changes. The predominant tendency in these debates has been to establish a correlation between populist policies and/or import substitution industrialisation strategy. In this study it is argued that, the line of thought which tried to analyse the developments in Argentina and Brazil as well as in Turkey from 1929 until the 1980s on the basis of such a correlation does not provide an adequate explanation. Instead, it is proposed that the concept of populism can enhance our understanding to the extent that it is conceived as a hegemonic project.

This essay will explain some of the key concepts of my theoretical interests in my artistic practice and point out how these are adapted in my recent work, the Satumaa triology. The trilogy consists of films concerning my own status as a Swedish speaking Finn and the history of processes of exclusion in a national community, in this particular case Finland. These processes are in my home country working both outside and within the national borders and are parallel to the French structuralist Michel Foucault’s investigations of a discourse.

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 123 pages / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: Since gaining independence from Colombia in 1903, Panama has witnessed both elitist democratic governments and authoritarian populist governments. The oligarchic system in place throughout much of Panama's history was a significant hindrance to real democracy taking hold within the country. Democracy was further set back by the inordinate power exerted by the US presence on the isthmus throughout the twentieth century. Omar Torrijos's time as head of the Panamanian government from 1969 to 1981 exhibited populist, paternalistic and personalistic characteristics. His government marked an attempt to establish a form of government based on popular democracy. While a number of social programs were implemented and the social welfare of a greater percentage of the population was generally improved during the years Torrijos was in power, his military regime did not ultimately institutionalize a model for democratic participation. / ABSTRACT: This study argues that some form of popular democracy should replace the status quo in Panama. This would allow for genuine representation of a greater number of the population and in turn broaden the base of decision-making, something that has not been fully accomplished under previous authoritarian or democratic forms of government. The Torrijos regime was the first and only government in Panama to have attempted this move toward popular democracy. As such it is seen as a useful case study in examining its contributions to the political landscape and the political culture that makes up contemporary Panama. Deductions are made from it for the political future of the country in terms of the democratization process. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Ordinary citizens are rarely charged with making consequential decisions in representative democracies. Almost all consequential decisions are delegated to elected representatives or political appointees. On what basis should we judge whether decisions should be placed in the hands of ordinary citizens or delegated to political elites? I argue that decision-making authority should be allocated in whatever way an assembly of randomly selected citizens would choose, given reasonable beliefs about the consequences of their possible choices. The standard I defend is a variation of the principal-agent model of political representation, in which the people are viewed as a principal and officeholders as their agents. As it is usually formulated, the objectives of the people are defined by the preferences of the majority. I draw on this formulation in chapter 4 to explain why the majority might rationally prefer to delegate authority to a citizens’ assembly instead of an elected legislature and why they might rationally view citizens’ assemblies with distrust, when they are organized and administered by elites. But the standard formulation of the principal-agent model does not provide a coherent standard when the will of the majority is not well-defined. Several chapters on social choice theory explain this problem and why political theorists’ previous responses to it have been unconvincing. In light of this problem, I argue for a revisionary understanding of the principal-agent model, according to which the people and its will are identified not with the preferences of the majority but rather with the decisions of a citizens’ assembly. To motivate this approach I offer a critique of the recent literature on “epistemic democracy,” which describes an alternative form of justification for empowering ordinary citizens. Appeals to expertise and knowledge have historically figured prominently in justifications of political exclusion and hierarchy, but epistemic democrats put them to use in defending participatory forms of democratic politics. Epistemic democrats claim that decision processes in which inexpert, ordinary citizens participate can exhibit greater “collective wisdom” than elite- or expert-dominated decision-making. Chapters 2 and 3 explain why these arguments sit uncomfortably with the nature of disagreements in politics. / Government

The previous scholarship on British Columbia politics has mentioned but not adequately explained that province's populist culture. My paper responds to this deficiency by exploring the history of British Columbia populism. It examines the northwest (where populist culture was especially strong) as a case study of provincial politics and employs a political discourse analysis that compares language in the inter-war years with that of the post-war years. It also correlates voting and occupational statistics in polling districts in an effort to position language within a socio-economic context. The findings of this study emphasize the neighbouring northwest constituencies of Skeena and Omineca as representative of the dynamic nature of British Columbia political culture in the 1950s: in Skeena, a culture of class polarization dominated politics and led to an initial CCF provincial victory while Omineca had a culture of protest politics that supported Social Credit provincially and the CCF federally. These two differing kinds of politics (i.e. class versus populist politics) came from the same prodevelopment ethos that, while always dominating British Columbia culture, was especially significant in the post-war period. In Skeena, post-war corporate development attracted numerous unionized workers to the region and contributed to the CCF's class politics. The populism of Omineca was also a function of post-war development. It was not (like other populist traditions) connected to localistic or co-operative inclinations but in fact, was almost 1 exclusively anti-elitist. This populism integrated the anti-elite labeling of "the People" with a language that promoted the elite-controlled development of the 1950s, for the integration alleviated anxieties over that elite-control without actually threatening the existing pattern of development. The northwest's populist language was a function of a "non-populist" culture.

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The main aim of this thesis is to examine the characteristics of Kemalist views and works on Turkish folk music during Early Republican Period. Kemalism, as a modernization project, aimed to transform the Turkish social formation totally. In this respect, one of the indispensable dimension of this project was cultural reforms. The music policies, as a part of the cultural reforms, were given considerable attentions by the Kemalist cadres since the music, according to them, was one of the area to reflect the developmental level of a society. Their views and efforts on Turkish folk music were a significant part of these music policies. In this sense, Kemalist folklore acts are of crucial importance to understand the features of Kemalist ideologic paradigms. Besides, this thesis will deal with the Kemalist folklore acts in order to understand two main principles of Kemalism / nationalism and populism which were the important ideological paradigms of Kemalism. In other words, one of the main ab inito of this thesis is to comprehend the nationalism and populism principles which constituted the general framework of Kemalist folklore acts. The thesis also pays attention to the inconsistencies and unmethodological works in folk music acts during the Early Republican Period.

Zugl.: Hamburg, Universiẗat, Diss., 2006.