The purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extend consociationalism has been adopted in post-war, post-conflict countries that suffer from deep division within their societies. Despite criticisms on whether the mechanism is beneficial in less democratic societies, the tool is strongly recommended for divided multi-ethnic societies as an attempt to solve the tension between conflicted actors. The aim of this thesis is to explore what we can learn from the Somalian and Iraqi experience, both of which have adopted this mechanism. To be able to answer these questions our primary research question guiding this thesis is: How does power sharing exhibit the advantages that it is claimed to have for peaceful democratic post-conflict development in Iraq and Somalia? This thesis is hinged on two theories, Consociationalism theory and Path Dependency theory. An abductive method as structured focused comparison has been used. The data collection was done by purposive sampling method, using primary sources of data. Structured interviews were carried out with six key informants from Somalia and six from Iraq, representing a unique perspective of the clans and ethnicities in each country. To triangulate the data, secondary sources were conducted as empirical data. The study established that consociationalism as a power- sharing mechanism has increased identity conflicts, raised sectarian values in Iraq and empowered clannism in Somalia. The study also showed that consociationalism as a power-sharing tool has not been fully adopted in either of the two countries, rather a semi-consociationalism has been practiced. This has resulted into the exclusion of marginalized groups such as young people, women and minorities in both countries. The mechanism has led to the post-conflict elite perceiving themselves as heroes of the new system rather than finding a solution for common interest in post-conflict reconstruction. Furthermore, factors such as security gap, presence of extremist groups, corruption and external interventions have impacted the efforts of consolidating peace and development in Iraq and Somalia.

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Traditionally, power system protection describes detecting, clearing, and locating faults in the power system. Traditional methods for detecting and locating faults may not be sufficient for inverter-based resources (IBR) as the fault response of an IBR differs from the response of a synchronous generator. As the composition of the power grid continues to evolve to integrate more IBRs that employ communication-based control algorithms; the power system is also exposed to cyberattacks. Undetected cyberattacks can disrupt normal system operation causing local outages. Therefore, power system protection must evolve with the changes in the grid to not only detect, locate, and clear faults with IBR generation but also detect and mitigate cyberattacks on IBR controllers. This thesis proposes methods for protecting an IBR-based transmission system from: (i) GPS spoofing cyberattacks on a power sharing controller; (ii) open-circuit faults. The GPS spoofing detection algorithm is a decision tree that enables either the proposed state observer--based mitigation technique or the proposed long short-term memory (LSTM)-based mitigation algorithm. The proposed logic for detecting open-circuit faults addresses each subcategory of open-circuit faults: breaker malfunctions, broken conductors, and series arc faults. PSCAD/EMTDC simulations are performed to test the effectiveness of the proposed methods. / Master of Science / The desire to reduce carbon emissions from electric power generation is resulting in the simultaneous retirement of fossil-fuel-burning electric power generation and increase in the number of renewable energy resources. These renewable energy resources, or inverter-based resources, respond differently to disturbances than traditional generators, and; therefore, require the development of new strategies to improve the disturbance response of an inverter-based resource. Disturbances in the power system can be divided into two types: (i) normal disturbances; (ii) abnormal disturbances. The response of an IBR to normal disturbances is improved with reliable control, further improved with communication, which ensures the stable operation of the power system. The abnormal conditions can also be split into two categories: (i) cyberattacks; (ii) faults. A cyberattack is when an adversary gains access a system with the goal of causing harm. In IBRs, cyberattacks can degrade power quality and lead to local outages. Faults are events that cause a change in the normal current flow in the power system. Undetected faults can cause local outages, lead to forest fires, and personnel injury; therefore, must be detected, located, can cleared in a timely manner. This work explores methods for detecting and mitigating cyberattacks and detecting faults in the presence of inverter-based resources.

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.

Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre et d’analyser les logiques d’émergence, les dynamiques de «fragmegration» ainsi que les mécanismes qui concourent à la perpétuation des mouvements politico-militaires au Congo-RDC. Dès le départ nous avons mis en exergue les trois tendances lourdes qui monopolisent le débat sur les rébellions en RDC. Ces trois tendances qui étaient fondamentalement des éléments accélérant ou amplificateurs, ont été à tort considérées comme les principaux éléments déclencheurs. Afin de lever la confusion conceptuelle entre ces deux principes, nous avons suggéré trois autres pistes de réflexion susceptible de mieux expliquer les phénomènes d’émergence, de fragmégration et de perpétuation. Ces pistes de réflexion sont les éléments déclencheurs majeurs autour desquels se structurent et s’articulent notre hypothèse. Dans cette thèse, nous soutenons l’argument selon lequel les phénomènes d’émergence, de fragmégration et de perpétuation sont une résultante de la militarisation des forces sociales congolaises, l’impossibilité du mouvement régional initié par le tandem rwando-ougandais à remporter une victoire clausewitzienne et l’institutionnalisation d’un partage de pouvoir complexe par la communauté internationale. Cette thèse est un appel au décloisonnement disciplinaire et à une multiplication des points d’entrée sur l’étude des groupes armés. D’où le recours à une approche (combinatoire) interdisciplinaire, mobilisant à la fois des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales (le constructivisme critique, la géopolitique) tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales plus particulièrement les acquis de la sociologie politique des mouvements sociaux. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’une grande utilité dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique fort utile pour saisir la gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires.

Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre et d’analyser les logiques d’émergence, les dynamiques de «fragmegration» ainsi que les mécanismes qui concourent à la perpétuation des mouvements politico-militaires au Congo-RDC. Dès le départ nous avons mis en exergue les trois tendances lourdes qui monopolisent le débat sur les rébellions en RDC. Ces trois tendances qui étaient fondamentalement des éléments accélérant ou amplificateurs, ont été à tort considérées comme les principaux éléments déclencheurs. Afin de lever la confusion conceptuelle entre ces deux principes, nous avons suggéré trois autres pistes de réflexion susceptible de mieux expliquer les phénomènes d’émergence, de fragmégration et de perpétuation. Ces pistes de réflexion sont les éléments déclencheurs majeurs autour desquels se structurent et s’articulent notre hypothèse. Dans cette thèse, nous soutenons l’argument selon lequel les phénomènes d’émergence, de fragmégration et de perpétuation sont une résultante de la militarisation des forces sociales congolaises, l’impossibilité du mouvement régional initié par le tandem rwando-ougandais à remporter une victoire clausewitzienne et l’institutionnalisation d’un partage de pouvoir complexe par la communauté internationale. Cette thèse est un appel au décloisonnement disciplinaire et à une multiplication des points d’entrée sur l’étude des groupes armés. D’où le recours à une approche (combinatoire) interdisciplinaire, mobilisant à la fois des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales (le constructivisme critique, la géopolitique) tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales plus particulièrement les acquis de la sociologie politique des mouvements sociaux. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’une grande utilité dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique fort utile pour saisir la gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires.

Sectarianism has shaped Lebanese culture since the establishment of the National Pact in 1943, and continues to be a pervasive roadblock to Lebanon’s path to development. This thesis explores the role of religion, politics, and Lebanon’s illegitimate government institutions in accentuating identity-based divisions, and fostering an environment for sectarianism to emerge. In order to do this, I begin by providing an analysis of Lebanon’s history and the rise and fall of major religious confessions as a means to explore the relationship between power-sharing arrangements and sectarianism, and to portray that sectarian identities are subject to change based on shifting power dynamics and political reforms. Next, I present different contexts in which sectarianism has amplified the country’s underdevelopment and fostered an environment for political instability, foreign and domestic intervention, lack of government accountability, and clientelism, among other factors, to occur. A case study into Iraq is then utilized to showcase the implications of implementing a Lebanese-style power-sharing arrangement elsewhere, and further evaluate its impact in constructing sectarian identities. Finally, I conclude that it is possible to eliminate sectarianism in Lebanon and move towards a secular state. While there are still many challenges to face in overcoming a long-established system of governance, I highlight the anti-sectarian partisan movements that are advocating for change, and their optimistic path to success.

This study evaluates the influence of decentralization on ethnic conflict and secessionism. There is little agreement in the existing literature, as several scholars argue for regional autonomy as an effective method of conflict resolution while other scholars argue that decentralization exacerbates ethnic conflict by reinforcing ethnic identities and promoting ethnic mobilization. By adopting a theoretical framework that distinguishes itself from previous research, an argument is proposed that while regional autonomy concessions provide a direct short-term effect, the indirect consequences of decentralization risk reinforcing ethnic identities and encourage ethnic mobilization long-term. Thus, a combination of territorial and governmental power sharing is necessary for decentralization to be successful in reducing ethnic conflict and secessionism. By adopting a combined structural and group perspective on decentralization, the argument is implemented in a within-case comparison of Spain as well as a between-case comparison with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Main findings suggest that regional autonomy does not provide short-term reduction, rather, a combination of territorial and governmental power sharing with full inclusion into executive power is required for decentralization to successfully reduce ethnic conflict and secessionism. Additional insights on national identity as a compelling variable with potential theoretical inference were also gained.

Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre et d’analyser les logiques d’émergence, les dynamiques de «fragmegration» ainsi que les mécanismes qui concourent à la perpétuation des mouvements politico-militaires au Congo-RDC. Dès le départ nous avons mis en exergue les trois tendances lourdes qui monopolisent le débat sur les rébellions en RDC. Ces trois tendances qui étaient fondamentalement des éléments accélérant ou amplificateurs, ont été à tort considérées comme les principaux éléments déclencheurs. Afin de lever la confusion conceptuelle entre ces deux principes, nous avons suggéré trois autres pistes de réflexion susceptible de mieux expliquer les phénomènes d’émergence, de fragmégration et de perpétuation. Ces pistes de réflexion sont les éléments déclencheurs majeurs autour desquels se structurent et s’articulent notre hypothèse. Dans cette thèse, nous soutenons l’argument selon lequel les phénomènes d’émergence, de fragmégration et de perpétuation sont une résultante de la militarisation des forces sociales congolaises, l’impossibilité du mouvement régional initié par le tandem rwando-ougandais à remporter une victoire clausewitzienne et l’institutionnalisation d’un partage de pouvoir complexe par la communauté internationale. Cette thèse est un appel au décloisonnement disciplinaire et à une multiplication des points d’entrée sur l’étude des groupes armés. D’où le recours à une approche (combinatoire) interdisciplinaire, mobilisant à la fois des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales (le constructivisme critique, la géopolitique) tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales plus particulièrement les acquis de la sociologie politique des mouvements sociaux. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’une grande utilité dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique fort utile pour saisir la gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires.

The involvement of religious dimensions in armed conflict reduces the space for resolution and threatens the durability of peace. Yet, there are empirical cases showing that it is possible to address the challenges posed by religious dimensions. There are various avenues to secure durable peace for conflicts involving religious dimensions. Recent studies have focused on the usage of politico-religious solutions. Their findings are however limited to a series of case studies and still have multiple unknowns. This thesis aims to contribute to this body of research with the research question: How do politico-religious arrangements impact peace durability for intrastate armed conflicts involving religious dimensions? Building on previous research on the termination of civil wars and the resolution mechanisms for religious conflicts, this thesis develops a theoretical argument proposing that the provision of politico-religious solutions increases the likelihood of peace duration. A large-N analysis of 107 settlements from 1975 to 2018 related to 30 dyadic conflicts with religious dimensions, shows that there insufficient statistical evidence to support the proposed relationship. The findings question the generalisability of previous research and propose new avenues to further research the applicability of politico-religious solutions.