The theme of this Thesis is the subject of propaganda and an attempt to establish the measures by which propaganda posed an influence on the form of the children's theater in the 1950's. The goal of this thesis is to capture the changes and the evolution of the Municipal Theater for Youth (prev. Theater of Jiri Wolker since 1953) during the time period of 1949 - 1959, using the analysis of stage drama and play texts of that time period. The author has chosen the Theater of Jiri Wolker because it was the single and only official professional drama theater that specialized exclusively in the production of performances for children in Prague. The author of this thesis will attempt to capture and show evidence of how the attitudes and stances of the authorities, during the given time period, have changed and morphed towards certain kinds and genres, as well as present the deviations and editorial changes that were made to the original texts (i. e. main character, motive, theme, language, the ratio of propaganda and art, life expectancy, ratio of czech and soviet titles, and the switch from a fable to a fairy tale genre).

The brands' commitment to sustainability is being developed into an established market strategy, which means that the concept of brand activism is becoming increasingly common. Due to this development, the external communication that these brands drive also tends to adopt a more convincing and coercive approach in order to influence the consumers. This study aims to concretize how consumers are exposed to propagandistic methods in the strategic communication that value-driven brands conduct. In this case study, the Swedish, activist, food company Oatly is the subject of analysis. The study is based on the well-established theories of propaganda, persuasion, rhetoric, and strategic communication. In addition to these theories, the study also relates to the rules for advertising and marketing communication established by the International Chamber of Commerce. In order to be able to illustrate which propagandistic methods are used, a qualitative content analysis is used where the communication is deconstructed and analyzed in two steps. First, the communication is analyzed through the rhetorical perspective as an analysis tool, then it undergoes a uniquely designed propaganda analysis based on IPA's seven devices. The results of the study clarify that there is an unethical approach in the communication that Oatly conducts, and it illustrates in an uncomplicated way how Oatly's communication uses a large proportion of propagandistic tactics. Although Oatly claims to be a value-driven company, the results of the study show that the commercial aspects tend to be implicit even in the brand's political context - which tends to be a propagandistic procedure in itself. The results of the study thus indicate a significant relevance to shed light on, and simplify, the public's understanding of how they are being exposed for propaganda in their everyday lives, but also to avoid stricter restrictions and legal regulations regarding advertising and communication.

Greenwashing har de senaste åren blivit en del av vårt samhälle, vare sig gemene man eller alla företag är medvetna om det eller ej. Företag måste förhålla sig till den förändrade diskursen i samhället för att hålla sig relevanta och konkurrenskraftiga när allt större delar av samhället vill minska sitt klimatavtryck och leva på ett mer hållbart sätt. Studien analyserar oljebolaget Royal Dutch Shells externa kommunikation med särskilt fokus på klimatfrågan och huruvida greenwashing förekommer eller inte. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur ett av världens största oljeföretag anpassar sig efter den rådande klimatdiskursen och rättfärdigar sin fortsatta verksamhet. Studien använder sig av metodtriangulering för att kvantitativt kartlägga och kategorisera oljebolagets aktivitet på Instagram samt kvalitativt analysera innehållet ur ett semiotiskt perspektiv. Studien undersöker om, och i så fall hur, Shell använder sig av greenwashing- och/eller propagandametoder för att påverka publikens bild av företaget, i förhållande till klimatfrågan, men även generellt. För att svara på studiens frågeställningar används kvantitativ innehållsanalys som metod, men till allra störst del av kvalitativ textanalys med fokus på diverse semiotiska begrepp, en utvald modell för att identifiera greenwashing samt en utvald lista över propagandametoder. Det teoretiska ramverket utgår från greenwashing, corporate social responsibility (CSR), lobbying, diskursbegreppet, hashtags och kompletteras av semiotik och propagandaanalys i metodkapitlet. Studiens analys presenteras i form av tydligt framgående teman där de mest relevanta och intressanta inläggen presenteras tillsammans med en analyserande text. Dessa teman är vad Shell verkar vilja rikta uppmärksamheten mot och därmed intressanta att undersöka i form av argument för oljebolagets fortsatta arbete med sin huvudverksamhet, även om de också kan betraktas som distraktioner från just huvudverksamheten. Studiens resultat visar att ungefär hälften av Shells instagraminlägg från och med 2018 har varit välgörenhetsrelaterade, ungefär en fjärdedel om förnybar energi, ungefär en femtedel om olja. Sex av tio tecken på greenwashing har identifierats samt fyra av fem metoder för propaganda. Studien drar slutsatsen att Shell använder sig av CSR och den teknologiska aspekten av deras arbete som ett sätt att motivera fortsatt oljeverksamhet samt ge en positiv bild av företagets verksamhet. / Over the last few years greenwashing has become a part of our society, whether the average person or company knows it or not. Companies have to find a way to approach the change of discourse that has occurred, to stay relevant and competitive when larger and larger parts of society want to decrease their carbon footprint and live more sustainably. The study analyzes the external communication of the oil company Royal Dutch Shell was particular focus on the climate issue and whether greenwashing is used. The purpose of the study is to examine how one of the world’s biggest companies are adjusting to the current climate discourse and justifies their business. The study uses triangulation of methods to quantitatively map out she oil company’s Instagram activity and qualitatively analyze the content from a semiotic perspective. The study examines whether, and in that case how, Shell uses greenwashing and/or methods of propaganda in order to influence the public’s image of the company in relation to the climate issue, but also in general. To answer the question formulations of the study quantitative content analysis has been used but the primary method used is qualitative text analysis which focuses on various semiotic concepts, one chosen method for identifying greenwashing and a chosen list of propaganda methods. The theoretical framework is based on greenwashing, corporate social responsibility (CSR), lobbying, the concept of discourse, hashtags and is supplemented by semiotics and propaganda analysis in the methodological chapter. The analysis of the study is presented in the form of clearly emerging themes where the most relevant and interesting posts are presented along with an analytical text. These themes include what Shell seems to want to draw attention to, and thus interesting to investigate in the form of arguments for the oil company’s continued work with its main business, although they might also be regarded as distractions from the main business. The results of the study show that as of 2018, about half of Shell’s Instagram posts have been charity-related, about a quarter about renewable energy, about a fifth about oil. Six out of ten signs of greenwashing have been identified as well as four out of five methods of propaganda. The study concludes that Shell uses CSR and the technological aspect of their work as a way to justify continued oil operations and to provide a positive picture of the company.

Vilka teman och argument blir centrala i det politiska talet vid en krissituation? Vilka retoriska grepp tillämpas? Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka detta genom en argumentationsanalys av Hosni Mubaraks tre sista tal som president under den arabiska våren i Egypten 2011. Tillsammans med en teoretisk utgångspunkt i propagandastudier och retorik studeras tre centrala teman i talen; ansvarsutkrävande, fredlig maktöverföring och talarens etos. För att sätta dessa teman i sitt sammanhang har demonstranternas slagord använts som utgångspunkt för att illustrera motargument. Resultatet av denna undersökning visar att beviskraften i Mubaraks argument är genomgående svag på grund av att de propagandastrategier och retoriska grepp som tillämpas inte anpassas efter situationen. / What themes and arguments gain importance in political discourse at times of crisis? What kind of rethorics are applied? This thesis aims to study these issues through an argument analysis of Hosni Mubarak's last three speeches as the president of Egypt during the Arabic Spring in 2011. With the use of a theoretical framework based in rethorics and propaganda the thesis analyzes three central themes in the speeches; the demand for accountability, the peaceful transition of power and the speaker's ethos. In order to position theses themes in the wider debate the slogans of the protesters have been used to create counter arguments. The thesis finds that the overall probative in Mubarak's theses and arguments is very weak due to lack of adaption of propaganda strategies and rethorical measures to the requirments of the situation.

The current paper examines the dissimilarities that have occurred in news framing by state-sponsored news outlets in their different language versions. The comparative framing analysis is conducted on the news coverage of the Russian intervention in Syria (2016) in RT and Radio Liberty in Russian and English languages. The certain discrepancies in framing of this event are found in both news outlets. The strongest distinction between Russian and English versions occurred in framing of responsibility and humanitarian crisis in Syria. The study attempts to explain the identified differences in a framework of public diplomacy and propaganda studies. The existing theories explain that political ideology and foreign policy orientation influences principles of state propaganda and state-sponsored international broadcasting. However, the current findings suggest that other influence factors may exist in the field – such as the local news discourse and the journalistic principles. This conclusion is preliminary, as there are not many studies with the comparable research design, which could support the current discussion. The studies of localized strategies of the international media (whether private networks or state-funded channels) can refine the current conclusions and bring a new perspective to global media studies. / <p>This thesis was supported by the Swedish Institute (Svenska Institutet) </p>

This research project is an analysis of the use of digital propaganda by the three major parties in the UK 2010 General Election. In addition to this empirical aim, the study also employs the discipline of memetics to generate a theoretical and methodological approach with which to study digital propaganda. Memetics is an evolutionary theory of culture based around the concept of the ‘meme’ or cultural replicator. This study contends that propaganda can be understood as an evolutionary phenomenon, with the ethical implications of its use specifically addressed in each instance, rather than assumed as part of its definition. The memetic ‘methodological toolkit’ which is used to analyse the data on the 2010 election is a means by which key concepts from within the literature on memetics can be practically deployed. As part of the study this ‘toolkit’ is presented and the testing of it is continually evaluated in order to improve upon the initial design, something which also has implications for the use of memetic concepts within thematic textual analysis. The election itself was not an ‘Internet election’ in the way that the 2008 Presidential Election in the USA might be characterised. Such an election can be identified by a convergence of factors from within the party campaign structures and the wider political environment on a specific subject or individual – commonly a candidate for office – resulting in a high degree of spontaneous online participation and organisation amongst citizen supporters. This study argues that the UK 2010 election did not produce such a convergence due to low levels of voter enthusiasm, uneven social and financial resources and an inability by the major parties to capitalise on the potential opportunities for digital campaigning which arose.

To explore strategic narratives of the U.S. and Russia is a motivation for this research. The study investigates whether there is a return to the Cold War rhetoric between the West and Russia, or if the discourse has taken a new form. A primary goal is to examine if media originating from the two countries spread propaganda, but mainly to detect what kind of propaganda it is. The research compares types of propaganda techniques that are most commonly applied by RT and CNN, and discusses results in a context of the Cold War propaganda prominent themes. This has been done by comparing how the two media outlets were reporting on a crash of a Malaysian Airlines aircraft in eastern Ukraine on July 17th 2014. A method of a framing analysis has been applied for a material from both channels for a period of four months. The results indicate that a number of propaganda techniques are used by both RT and CNN. Moreover, channels’ discourse is antagonistic, while strategic narratives of the U.S. and Russia nowadays have similarities and differences comparing to the Cold War times. Further research should look at other genres, events and topics reported by the two media.

This thesis provides an examination of the emergence and development of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the Midlands between 1932 and 1940. It charts the fascist presence in four major cities: Birmingham, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry and Leicester. The BUF is the largest and most important fascist movement to have ever existed in Britain. Mosleyite fascism in the Midlands as a region has never before been investigated and represents a significant gap in the historiography of British fascist studies. Alongside affording valuable insight into Mosleyite fascism at the regional level, the study will illuminate further understanding of the BUF nationally. The fascist experience in the Midlands is used to test and contribute to arguments about the national movement in the secondary literature relating to three themes: (a) the social class composition of BUF membership; (b) the strength of BUF membership; and (c) the focus of BUF propaganda. Finally, four main areas generally recognised as the reasons for national failure are discussed to explain the long-term marginalisation of the BUF in the Midlands.

This dissertation examines representations of the Bulgarian peasant in order to explore how nationalist, agrarian and ultimately communist governments attempted to negotiate the meaning of "modernity" in predominantly rural Bulgaria. This work is not intended as a survey of displays of folk culture in the 20th century, but instead focuses each chapter on an important person, movement or organization which best seems to articulate Bulgaria's evolving sense of itself and its place on the edge of Europe. Beginning with a background chapter on the 1878-1917 period, I trace the foundation and development of ethnographic display, representations of peasants in the interwar educational press, campaigns to improve village hygiene and culture, alpine tourism, and the ever-changing image of peasants in propaganda from the years of agrarian rule in the 1920s through the early decades of communism. My dissertation explores the contested meanings of peasant images in Bulgaria's changing political and social milieu. Bulgaria's acceptance into first Europe and later the Soviet sphere of influence was for many nation-builders predicated upon her ability to attain European and later Soviet-style modernity. However, these modernities were based upon ideas of industrialization and urbanization. In the middle of the 20th century, however, Bulgaria's economy was still overwhelmingly agricultural. This represented a problem for Bulgaria's nation builders. Confronted with these seeming contradictions, different regimes attempted to incorporate the rural population into their visions of a modern Bulgaria. The changing nature of this imagined Bulgaria can be best elucidated through images of the Bulgarian peasantry. At one moment incorporated and at another excluded, modern and backward, embraced and reviled, the imagined peasantry reveals the anxieties and aspirations of Bulgarian state builders in the 20th century. / text

Magistro darbo objektas – viešoji diplomatija kaip šalies vardo garsinimo priemonė. Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti viešosios diplomatijos taikymą valstybės žinomumui didinti ir nustatyti, kiek sėkmingos buvo LR Prezidento institucijos pastangos garsinti šalies vardą pasitelkus istorinį įvykį. Darbo uždaviniai: išnagrinėti viešosios diplomatijos sąvokos reikšmę ir viešosios diplomatijos vietą tarp kitų su valstybės populiarinimu susijusių priemonių; nustatyti, kuo viešoji diplomatija gali pasireikšti kaip šalies garsinimo priemonė; nagrinėti, kokias galimybes turėjo LR Prezidento institucija siekdama garsinti šalies vardą per Lietuvos vardo tūkstantmečio šventę, ištirti, kokias viešosios diplomatijos priemones taikė LR Prezidento institucija, nustatyti, kiek sėkmingos buvo LR Prezidento institucijos viešosios diplomatijos priemonės siekiant populiarinti valstybės vardą. Naudojantis mokslinės literatūros analizės metodais, kiekybine ir kokybine turinio analize bei kokybinio ekspertų interviu metodais prieita prie išvados, kad valstybės žinomumui didinti viešoji diplomatija, kaip strategija, kuria valstybių valdžios atstovai siekia paveikti užsienio valstybių piliečius, taikoma per viešumą. Viešumui pasiekti pasitelkiamos priemonės, kurios yra orientuotos į žiniasklaidą. Tokios priemonės vadinamos „pseudo-įvykiais“, kai pasitelkus simbolius sukuriamas įvykis, galintis sudominti žiniasklaidą. Toks įvykis buvo ir Lietuvos vardo tūkstantmečio šventė, kurioje dalyvavo trylikos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Means through which states promote their names have first been called propaganda, later public diplomacy, and nowadays these notions are often replaced with the concept of public relations. Yet the ways of promoting a country's name abroad by means of public diplomacy have not been widely analysed, therefore it merits research. The aim of this Master thesis is to analyse the application of public diplomacy for increasing knowledge about a country by analysing one case, i.e. the efforts of the Presidency of the Republic of Lithuania to promote the country's name in the context of an historical event. The objectives are the following: to analyse the notion of public diplomacy and its importance vis-&#224;-vis other means of popularising a country; to analyse what possibilities to promote the country's name the Lithuanian Presidency had during the celebration of the millennium of Lithuania's name, which of those were actually applied, and how successful they were. The following research methods were applied: analysis of scholarly literature; quantitative as well as qualitative content analysis; and an expert interview. The conclusion has been reached that, in the case analysed, the Lithuanian Presidency actively applied public diplomacy, taking measures oriented at publicity through mass media. In particular, the strategy of a "pseudo-event" was chosen, when using symbols an event is created in order to attract media attention. Such an event was the ceremony of celebrating the... [to full text]