[pt] Apesar de não ser um fenômeno recente, os protestos políticos tem ocorrido mais frenquentemente em diversas democracias do mundo. Neste contexto, é importante analisar se eles de fato são um instrumento efetivo através do qual os cidadãos podem afetar variáveis políticas e garantir que suas preferências sejam refletidas no âmbito político. Neste trabalho I estudo os efeitos dos protestos que ocorreram no Brasil em junho de 2013, olhando tanto para o comportamento de eleitores e de políticos. Primeiramente, usando dados das eleições a nível municipal, eu mostro que os protestos estão associados com uma diminuição nas taxas de comparecimento e um aumento no percentual de votos de protestos (votos nulos). Além disso, os protestos afetaram a distribuição de votos: há uma correlação negativa entre votos em incumbentes e a incidência de protestos. Com respeito ao efeito nos políticos, eu foco minha análise na Câmara dos Deputados e analiso se os protestos tiveram algum efeito sobre o comportamento ds deputados federais. Usando uma abordagem de diferença-em-diferença não tradicional, eu mostro que os protestos não afetaram todas as dimensões relevantes da performance dos legisladores, como presença em plenário, alocação de emedas parlamentares e elaboração de leis. No entanto, há evidência de efeitos heterogêneos com relação a incentivos à reeleição e posição relativa na coalizão. / [en] Although political protests are not a new political phenomenon, they are happening more frequently in democracies all over the world. In this context, it is important to study whether they are an effective instrument through which citizens can affect political outcomes and ensure that their preferences are reflected in politics. In this work, I analyze the effects of the protests that took place in Brazil in 2013, looking both of voters and politicians behavior. First, using data on elections at the municipal level, I show that the protests are associated with a decrease in turnout rate and an increase in the share of protest votes (the null votes). Moreover, the protests affected the distribution of votes: there is a negative correlation between incumbents vote share and the incidence of protests. With respect to the effects on politicians, I focus my analysis in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil to I analyze whether the protests had any effects in the legislators behavior. Using a difference-in-difference approach, I show that the protests did not affect all relevant dimensions of the legislators performance, such as presence in plenary sessions, allocation of federal budget amendments and proposal of bills. However, I find evidence of heterogeneous effects regarding reelection incentives and relative position in the coalition.

The past few years have seen the emergence of new types of civic engagement. Citizens are now more capable to organize themselves than ever before and this creates a new pattern of social mobilization that has not previously been the centre of academic focus. This work analyses the particular case of the Romanian winter protests of 2012 in an attempt to prove that current mainstream theories of resource mobilization and framing do not fully explain the emergence of unstructured movements. The results aim to pave the way for a new theory of civic engagement that fits the newly observed realities and could be generalized to explain all forms of structured or unstructured participation to collective action.

This thesis studies how the state owned news agency the RIA Novosti (РИА Новости) covered the protests, named Euromaidan. Timely the paper is limited with the end of November, 2013 and the end of February, 2014. The first part of the thesis focuses on the theoretical approaches about interdependences between the audience and the media. The next chapter covers concisely the principles and the essence of agenda setting and framing, also such concepts as frames and their functions are analyzed. In the methodological part the criteria and the scope of analysis are set up. After the methodological part the analytical part goes which focuses on the separate frames, which were constructed by the RIA Novosti. In the last chapter the conclusions were made unveiling, how the theoretical inputs and empirical outputs are correlated, and which Euromaidan's attributes were transmitted the most.

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No description available.

This paper aims to investigate the grounds of political legitimacy on which Vladimir Putin relied and still relies to sustain his popularity and remain in power today. Special emphasis is placed on the period after the opposition protests in 2011-2012 and demonstrations on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow. These protests had a dramatic effect on the Russian regime and showed that there is opposition to Putin's leadership, at least among a segment of Russian society. This study is based on Max Weber's three ideal types of legitimacy: civil-legal, traditional, and charismatic, which will be used to investigate, how Vladimir Putin has been able to stay in power for more than 20 years. This requires investigation of grounds for legitimacy that Vladimir Putin successfully exploited during his 2000-2008 period in the presidency that made him so popular among the majority of Russian citizens. It also means the investigation of the grounds for legitimacy that Putin began to exploit after the protests on the Bolotnaya Square 2011-2012, namely during the 2012-2020 period, to stay in power despite the dissatisfaction of some citizens with his rule. This study will use qualitative analysis to examine the corresponding empirical and analytical data related to the two periods investigated in this study. In addition, data from the currently disenfranchised Levada Center will be used to follow the development and changes in approval and disapproval of Putin's leadership. / Denna undersökning har målet att analysera grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Vladimir Putin utnyttjat och fortfarande utnyttjar för att underhålla sin popularitet och förbli vid makten fram till i dag, särskilt efter det oppositionella utbrottet 2011-2012. Det senare är centralt, eftersom protesterna på Bolotnajatorget i Moskva hade en chockartad effect på den ryska regimen och visade att det finns missnöje med Putins ledarskap, åtminstone bland en del av den ryska befolkningen. Denna undersökning utgår från Max Webers tre ideala typer av politiska legitimitet som kommer att användas för att begripa hur Vladimir Putin kunde förbli vid makten under mer än 20 år. Det krävs därför en analys av grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Putin framgångsrikt utnyttjade under 2000-2008 års presidentperiod och som gjorde honom så populär bland de flesta ryska medborgarna. Det blir också nödvändigt med en analys av grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Putin började använda efter protesterna, nämligen under 2012-2020 års presidentperiod för att förbli vid makten trots missnöjet med hans ledarskap. Denna undersökning ämnar använda en kvalitativ textanalys för att gå genom motsvarande empiriskt och analytiskt material som anknyts till de två tidsperioderna som undersöks i denna studie. Dessutom kommer undersökningen att använda sig av de statistiska data från Levada Center för att vidare följa förändringar i godkännandet eller icke-godkännandet av Putins ledarskap. / Данное исследование ставит своей целью изучение основ политической легитимности Владимира Путина, способствовавших его популярности среди большинства российских граждан и позволивших ему оставаться у власти более 20 лет. Анализ основывается на теории Макса Вебера о трех идеальных видах легитимности: гражданско-правовом, традиционном и харизматичном. Исследование предусматривает изучение основ легитимности в период с 2000 по 2008 годы и в период с 2012 по 2020 годы. Уделяется внимание протестам 2011-2012 года на Болотной площади в Москве, показавшим недовольство части населения правлением Путина и ставшим переломным моментом в политике Путина. Для проведения данного исследования используется квалитативный анализ с целью изучения эмпирических и аналитических данных, относящихся к выбранным периодам. Основываясь на статистических данных Левада Центра, исследование анализирует позитивное и негативное отношение россиян к правлению Путина.

The following paper analyses the similarities and differences as well as the motives and strategies of the demonstrations in Iran which occurred in 2017/2018 and since September of 2022. The findings are discussed using the Rentier State Theory. A pure comparative analysis is not made, rather a case study with the demonstrations as two components. The demonstrations that started in September 2022 is ongoing as of the writing of this paper, despite this are several findings made. Similarities are seen in the participating people between the years, as well as some recurring cities. The biggest differences are the longevity of the demonstrations despite interventions of the regime, the greater unity amongst socioeconomic groups in the ongoing demonstrations as well as the grievances of electoral frauds leading up t. The motive of 2022 is more focused on revolution instead of the reforms of 2017, these differences is however partly uncertain. The strategies were in the beginning similar, with taking of the headscarf as a more prominent action in the demonstrations of 2022. Many of the underlying grievances can be discussed via the Rentier State Theory, for example the democratic deficit and economic hardships. The details and observations are several, but the main conclusion is how the ongoing demonstrations are greater in both numbers, motives, and strategies. The theory is found useful to explain this phenomenon of instability and grievance between state and civilians.

[pt] Esta tese é composta por 3 capítulos em Economia do Desenvolvimento, todos eles relacionados com o papel das políticas públicas, quer na promoção de políticas sustentáveis para a preservação de recursos naturais no longo prazo, quer na prestação de serviços públicos eficientes ou no questionamento do accountability das atuais instituições democráticas. O primeiro artigo mostra que, ao adotar uma tecnologia que incorpora práticas agrícolas sustentáveis, os agricultores têm efeitos dinâmicos positivos na produtividade e na resiliência climática. Apresentamos evidências do mecanismo dessas externalidades: melhorias no solo. O segundo artigo apresenta os resultados de um RCT desenvolvido para testar se uma intervenção gerencial em centros de saúde em Moçambique pode reduzir falhas de coordenação, aumentando a retenção de pacientes com HIV ao tratamento e a qualidade do atendimento prestado. Por fim, o terceiro analisa os grandes protestos de rua ocorridos no Brasil em 2013 para analisar se os protestos podem funcionar como mecanismo de accountability de políticos eleitos. Usando dados históricos do Twitter, criamos uma medida da intensidade dos protestos e quão ruidosas foram as demandas dos manifestantes em cada município. Apresentamos evidências de que os protestos podem funcionar como mecanismo de responsabilização apenas se as mensagens enviadas pelos manifestantes são nítidas e claras e os políticos enfrentam incentivos à reeleição. / [en] This thesis is composed of 3 chapters in development economics, all of which relate to the role of public policy either in promoting sustainable policies for long-run maintenance of natural resources, or meeting citizens needs through efficient service delivery or questioning the accountability of current political institutions. The first paper shows that, by adopting a technology that incorporates sustainable agricultural practices, farmers have positive dynamic effects on productivity and climate resilience.We provide evidence of the mechanism of these dynamic effects: soil improvement. The second one presents the results of an RCT designed to test whether a managerial intervention in health centers in Mozambique can reduce coordination failures, increasing HIV patients retention in care and quality of care provided. Finally, the third one look at the large street protests that took place in Brazil in 2013 to analyze whether protests can work as an accountability mechanism for elected politicians. Using Twitter historical data, we create a measure of protest intensity and how noisy protesters demands were in each municipality. We present evidence that protests may work as accountability mechanism only if messages sent by protesters are sharp and clear, and politicians face reelection incentives.

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The year 2024 started with newspapers filled with articles on farmers taking over European cities. In Germany, the farmers protested the recently announced tax break reduction on agricultural diesel. The protests were quickly instrumentalized by various political actors, which made them highly controversial. This thesis explores how two actors, the German radical right AfD and the center-right CDU, discursively construct climate change within the debates surrounding the farmers’ protests. The focus lies on their use of populism as a strategic communication tool and legitimation strategies that politicize climate change. As such, climate change and environmental discourses are critically reviewed and contextualized, and theories on populism and politicization are presented. The thesis applies a discourse-historical approach (DHA) based on the analytical tools of nomination, predication, and legitimation. The findings conclude that discourses of climate policy conservatism, green patriotism, and climate elitism are applied to re-politicize climate change according to the right-wing agenda. As expected, the AfD mainly applied green patriotism, whereas the CDU applied climate policy conservatism. Both also relied on a newly identified discourse of climate elitism, highlighting the protest dynamics.