Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2017-04-24T17:29:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila3.pdf: 5588142 bytes, checksum: c419d53eb54e33c398cdfd5bf3d5faa3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-24T17:29:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila3.pdf: 5588142 bytes, checksum: c419d53eb54e33c398cdfd5bf3d5faa3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research sought to understand the symbolic production of media discourses relating to World Cup 2014, identifying a possible amalgamation between the arguments of advertisements and news stories related to the event, mainly directed to the construction of a idealized fan. This theme was designed after identifying a more positive tone in advertising and journalistic materials directed to competition, during and after the riots of 2013 in Brazil, in which, among several guidelines, critical to the achievement of the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil questioned the excessive governmental spending and local rights violations communities located in the host cities. As objects of study, was selected advertisements of sponsoring brands of the Brazilian Team and journalistic content of the Jornal Nacional and ESPNS’s SportsCenter, which were submitted to Discourse Analysis. In order to understand the communication processes and cultural practices involving this sport, we base the theoretical assumptions on Cultural Studies, seeking to understand the interface between football, the media discourse and cultural production of the media. We identify the reproduction of stereotypes consolidated about the Brazilian people, Brazil and, beyond that, trying to shape a committed supporter but docile. Among journalistic objects analyzed, the information contained in SportsCenter was the least approached this profile, but with the approach of the mega event, reports unveiled the ethos of the perfect Brazil and chimeric fan. / Esta pesquisa buscou entender a produção simbólica dos discursos midiáticos referentes à Copa do Mundo 2014, identificando um possível amálgama entre as argumentações de peças publicitárias e matérias jornalísticas referentes ao evento, sobretudo direcionadas à construção de um torcedor idealizado. Esse tema foi pensado após identificarmos um tom mais positivo nos materiais publicitários e jornalísticos dirigidos à competição, durante e após as manifestações de 2013, nas quais, entre diversas pautas, críticos à realização da Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014 no Brasil questionavam os gastos públicos excessivos e as violações dos direitos locais de comunidades localizadas em cidades-sede. Como objetos de estudo, selecionamos peças publicitárias de marcas patrocinadoras da Seleção Brasileira e conteúdos jornalísticos do Jornal Nacional e SportsCenter, que foram submetidos a uma reflexão subsidiada na Análise do Discurso e nos Estudo Culturais. A fim de compreendermos os processos comunicacionais e as práticas culturais que envolvem este esporte, nos pautamos nos pressupostos teóricos dos Estudos Culturais, buscando entender a interface entre o futebol, o discurso midiático e a produção cultural da mídia. Identificamos a reprodução dos estereótipos consolidados acerca do brasileiro, do Brasil e, para além disso, tentativa em moldar um torcedor engajado, mas docilizado. Entre os objetos jornalísticos analisados, os conteúdos divulgados pelo SportsCenter foi o que menos se aproximou deste perfil, embora com a aproximação do megaevento, reportagens desvelaram o ethos do Brasil perfeito e do torcedor quimérico.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente Tese, intitulada âMovimentos de protestos virtuais da Anonymous no Brasil: unidos como um e divididos por fakesâ, apresenta um estudo analÃtico da Rede de Protestos Anonymous, desde seus primÃrdios, no site 4chan, atà os protestos contra a Copa do Mundo no Brasil - 2014, tendo como Ãpice as ManifestaÃÃes de Junho de 2013, nas quais a Anonymous teve influente participaÃÃo, tanto por meio de prÃticas de ativismo online quanto em aÃÃes diretas, offline. O ideÃrio Anonymous à caracterizado por uma forma de luta polÃtica que objetiva alcanÃar a emancipaÃÃo humana por meio da hiperdemocracia, tecnocracia, total liberdade de expressÃo, informaÃÃo e comunicaÃÃo. O processo de conquista deste ideÃrio se daria pela prÃtica de novos modelos de mobilizaÃÃes sociais, ou seja, por um processo educativo autÃnomo, autovigilante, anÃnimo, que se desenvolveria num movimento horizontal, sem lideranÃas, sem interferÃncias de partidos polÃticos e sem ideologias. Este modelo se diferencia da forma de luta polÃtica do sÃculo XX, caracterizada pela tradicional dicotomia entre esquerda e direita, movimentos com lideranÃas verticalizadas, personalistas e guiadas por tendÃncias ideolÃgicas explÃcitas. No intuito de compreender o desenvolvimento das aÃÃes de protestos Anonymous no Brasil, utilizou-se como base empÃrica de pesquisa diversas fontes virtuais, tais como pÃginas do Facebook e canais do Youtube das cÃlulas de Anonymous no Brasil e exterior, alÃm de observaÃÃo dos protestos de rua, âOperaÃÃo 7 de setembroâ e a âOperaÃÃo NÃo vai ter Copaâ, e entrevistas com ativistas Anonymous. O processo de anÃlise das fontes foi ponderado pelo estudo dos conteÃdos e das diversas formas de linguagens utilizadas nas aÃÃes ciberativistas. Verificou-se que o desenvolvimento da luta polÃtica com base no ideÃrio Anonymous, na medida em que se propÃs a romper com o modelo tradicional de movimento polÃtico, apesar de agregar significativo nÃmero de ativistas, o ideÃrio Anonymous nÃo foi compreendido pela maioria de seus seguidores e ativistas. A prÃpria forma de criaÃÃo das cÃlulas Anonymous no Brasil teve um inÃcio desvirtuado, tendo sido conduzido de modo verticalizado, em cujo anonimato permitiu que os ativistas seguissem planos estabelecidos por pequenos grupos ou organizaÃÃes desconhecidas, bem como a apropriaÃÃo das cÃlulas Anonymous por fakes, que conduziram determinadas mobilizaÃÃes orientadas por interesses polÃticos, partidÃrios e ideolÃgicos. Tal fato resultou em divisÃes, rupturas e denÃncias por partes de algumas cÃlulas. Por exemplo, a Anonymous FUEL, que continuou ativa, mas com uma postura vigilante em relaÃÃo ao ideÃrio Anonymous, bem como as cÃlulas Anonymous Paranà e Anonymous Curitiba, que se declararam inativas, dadas a deturpaÃÃo de ativistas Anonymous que passaram a assumir causas militaristas e golpistas. Para fins deste estudo, a metodologia utilizada teve como referÃncia a anÃlise de discurso de Bakhtin (2002) e Ducrot (1987). Para temas que permeiam o estudo, como o ciberespaÃo, hackerativismo, pÃs-modernidade e movimentos sociais, utilizou-se como base teÃrica as contribuiÃÃes de Castells (2003), LÃvy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) e Beck (2000). / This thesis, entitled "Movement of virtual protests by the Anonymous in Brazil: united as one and divided by fakes," presents an analytical evaluation of the Anonymous Protests Network, since its inception, in the site 4chan, to show dissent against the World Cup Brazil - 2014, having reached its peak in the June 2013 Demonstrations, in which Anonymous had influential participation, either through online activism practices as in direct actions offline. The ideology supporting Anonymous is characterized by a form of political struggle which aims at achieving human emancipation through hiper-democracy, technocracy and complete freedom of expression, information and communication. The process of a successful establishment of these ideas would take place through the practice of new models of social mobilization, that is, by an autonomous educational process - self-vigilant, anonymous - which would develop a horizontal movement without leaders, without interference from political parties and without ideologies. This model differs from the political form of struggle of the twentieth century, characterized by the traditional split between left and right movements with leaders in a personality vertical hierarchal power line, guided by explicit ideological tendencies. In order to understand the development of the Anonymous protest actions in Brazil, it was used as a empirical research base several virtual sources such as Facebook pages and YouTube channels of Anonymous cells in Brazil and abroad, as well as observation of street protests, such as "Operation September 7" and "Operation No World Cup", besides interviews with Anonymous activists. The process of analysis of the sources was weighted by the study of the contents and the various forms of languages used in the actions of cyberactivists. It was found that the development of political struggles based on ideas spawned by Anonymous, as far as it proposes to break the traditional model of political action, in spite of counting with significant number of activists, the Anonymous ideology was not understood by most of his followers and activists. The very form of creating Anonymous cells in Brazil had a distorted start and was conducted in vertical fashion, anonymity allowing activists to follow plans established by small groups or unknown organizations, as well as appropriation of Anonymous cells by fakes, which led to certain mobilizations guided by political interests of a partisan and ideological nature. This fact resulted in divisions, ruptures and complaints by parts of some cells. As an example of this situation one can cite Anonymous FUEL, which remained active, but with a vigilant stance on Anonymous ideology, and two other branches, Anonymous Paranà and Anonymous Curitiba, which declared themselves inactive, given misrepresentation of Anonymous ideas by other cells that assumed militarist causes and defended a coup dâÃtat in Brazil. For this study, the methodology used had as reference discourse analysis of Bakhetin (2002) and Ducrot (1987). For themes that permeate the study, such as cyberspace, hacktivism, postmodernism and social movements, it was used as a theoretical basis the contributions of Castells (1999), Levy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) and Beck (2000).

La presente investigación analiza la cobertura periodística de los diarios El Comercio y La República en relación a las marchas que hubo en noviembre de 2020 en contra de la presidencia de Manuel Merino. Este suceso remeció la política del país, de tal manera que los medios de comunicación peruanos y extranjeros informaron, minuto a minuto y en tiempo real, los acontecimientos que se iban sucediendo. En el caso de las plataformas web de los periódicos mencionados, se observó que el tratamiento de la información fue diferente en cada medio. En el presente trabajo se estudian un total de 56 notas informativas web (entre ambos diarios) que permiten describir, analizar y comparar cómo cada medio construyó el sentido de la noticia sobre este acontecimiento crucial en la reciente historia política peruana contemporánea. / This investigation analyzes the journalistic coverage of the newspapers El Comercio and La República in relation to the marches that took place in November 2020 against the presidency of Manuel Merino. This event shook the politics of the country, in such a way that the Peruvian and foreign media reported, minute by minute and in real time, the events that were happening. In the case of the web platforms of the mentioned newspapers, it was observed that the treatment of the information was different in each medium. In the present work, a total of 56 informative web notes are studied (between both newspapers) that allow to describe, analyze and compare how each medium built the meaning of the news about this crucial event in recent contemporary Peruvian political history. / Tesis

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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The upsurge in the number of public protests in most South African municipalities, including the City of Cape Town, continues unabated. While public protest is a democratic right, provided for in the Constitution (RSA 1996), the violent nature and persistence of protests at municipal level are a cause for concern. The associated violence often leads to the destruction of both public and private property, disruptions in economic activities, loss of lives and severe injuries to innocent victims. The prevalence of public protests continues despite the fact that the new democratic dispensation ushered in a paradigm geared for transforming local government from a racially-segregated institution into a democratic and autonomous sphere of government, with a broad developmental mandate. This new dispensation gave birth to the “invited spaces” of participation, which are aimed at providing scope for the public to influence, direct, control and own the development and decision-making processes. In order to determine factors that contribute to public protests in Khayelitsha the study adopted a qualitative research paradigm. Personal interviews, focus group discussion and participatory observation were some of the research methods used to collect primary data. The study indicates that lack of authentic and empowering public participation opportunities in the decision-making processes of the City of Cape Town alienates the public and leads to public disengagement from available municipal processes. It has been during this period of alienation that the public have been “inventing own spaces” of participation, in the form of public protests demanding that public voices be heard. The study also indicates that poverty, unemployment and glaring gaps of social inequality, reinforced by comparison to available examples in the neighbourhood, are root causes of public protests. The new public participation model that has been developed from this research should be adopted by South African municipalities as an essential public participation strategy. It empowers the public to negotiate a new “social contract” with the authorities primarily based on the public’s terms. It is only when authentic and empowering public participation is practised by municipalities that violent public protests can be minimised. Such authentic and empowering public participation provides latitude for the public to influence, direct, control and even own their “own” development and decision-making processes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die toename in voorvalle van openbare protes in byna alle Suid-Afrikaanse munisipale gebiede, insluitend die van die Stad Kaapstad, duur onverpoosd voort. Terwyl openbare protes weliswaar ’n demokratiese reg is wat in die Grondwet (RSA 1996) verskans word, is die huidige ingeburgerde en gewelddadige aard daarvan rede tot ernstige kommer. Hierdie gewelddadigheid lei dikwels tot vernietiging van sowel openbare as private eiendom. Ook ekonomiese aktiwiteite word ontwrig; daar is lewensverlies en ernstige beserings aan onskuldige slagoffers . Die hoë voorkoms van openbare protes duur voort, ondanks die feit dat die nuwe demokratiese bestel ’n paradigmaskuif ten gunste van transformasie in die plaaslike regeringstelsel beteken het. Alles was in plek om weg te beweeg van rasgesegregeerde instellings na ’n demokratiese, outonome regeringsfeer met ’n breë, ontwikkelingsgedrewe mandaat. Hierdie nuwe bedeling het “genooide ruimtes” vir deelname geskep, wat geleentheid sou skep om invloed en rigtinggewende beheer te verkry oor daardie prosesse van besluitneming wat deelnemers se eie lewens raak. Om die faktore te bepaal wat tot openbare protes in Khayelitsha bydra, is ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma gekies. Persoonlike onderhoud, fokusgroepbespreking en deelnemende waarneming is van die navorsingsmetodes wat ingespan is om primêre data te versamel. Hierdie navorsingstudie het bevind dat, ondanks die “genooide ruimtes”, daar steeds ’n gebrek aan egte en bemagtigende openbare deelnemingsgeleenthede in die besluitnemingsproses van die Stad Kaapstad bestaan, en dat dit die publiek vervreem en daartoe lei dat burgers hul aan die beskikbare deelnemingsgeleenthede onttrek. Gedurende hierdie periode van vervreemding het die publiek van Khayelitsha hulle eie “geskepde ruimtes” ontwikkel. Dit was gegiet in die vorm van openbare protes, waar die stemme van die algemene publiek gehoor kon word. Die studie het ook aangedui dat armoede, werkloosheid en opvallende voorbeelde van sosiale ongelykheid (te vinde in die onmiddellike omgewing) aanleidende faktore vir protesaksie was. Die nuwe openbare deelnemingsmodel wat uit die navorsing ontwikkel is, kan aan alle Suid-Afrikaanse munisipaliteite ’n onontbeerlike geleentheid bied om ’n doeltreffende openbare deelnemingstrategie te ontwikkel. Dit bemagtig die publiek om ’n nuwe onderhandelde “maatskaplike kontrak” met die owerhede, hoofsaaklik op die publiek se terme, te sluit. Slegs wanneer die publiek aan egte, bemagtigende openbare deelname blootgestel word, sal daar sprake van ’n vertrouensverhouding met die owerhede wees en sal gewelddadige protesaksie tot die minimum beperk kan word. Sodanige egte en bemagtigende openbare deelname skep ruimte vir die publiek om hulle “eie” ontwikkeling te beïnvloed en mede-beheer te bekom oor die besluitnemingsprosesse wat daarmee gemoeid is.

This diploma thesis - The image of Italian films in Czechoslovak film journals in years 1965- 1975 is devoted to the manner of display, presentation and evaluation of Italian cinematography in the magazines Kino and Film a doba. The first part of this work describes the social and political environment in Czechoslovakia and in Italy, with an emphasis on culture, film and print media. The attention is focused on the end of the 1960's, when in Czechoslovakia the totalitarian political development was strengthened after an effort to democratize society, whilst in Italy the democratic development of the capitalist society was maintained, despite the pressures of the left-wing forces. The analytical part of the thesis uses qualitative methods and examines the contents of articles in the chosen periodicals. It follows the arguments of film publicists and critics and reveals how the social atmosphere and movements was portrayed by Italian filmmakers. The work focuses on analyzing the articles about Italian movies of different genres and styles, to which film themes was given more space, how was reviewed the work of filmmakers and actors and how was characterized the Italian cinema in general. The conclusion of the thesis summarizes the results of the analysis in the context of the political situation in...

The purpose of this study is to analyze the events that occurred throughout the Egyptian Revolution from January 2010 to February 2010 through pragmatic humanism. Tweets will be looked at from the book Tweets from Tahrir to show how the process unfolded. Building on the previous research, the tweets will be looked at through the lens of pragmatic humanism. The study will show how individuals can better the world they live in by experimenting with different methods and adapting to any failures they may encounter. The study will also show how the reach of the individual has become faster and further than previously possible. The elements of pragmatic humanism will be broken down into five main tenets. The study will take a thematic approach in analyzing the tweets through the perspective of the particular tenet. The study will also show the power of individual desires when they are able to combine with the social context of the time. The advent of Twitter has allowed individuals to test and experiment with hypotheses much quicker than before and allows them to make monumental changes to their reality in a much shorter period of time. / Graduation date: 2013

Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the world’s largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government’s tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests – such as votes and rents – as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

MA (Political Studies) / Department of Political Studies / The adoption of the constitution in 1996 has opened a new era of establishing a local government system that recommended that municipalities be established for the whole territory of the republic of South Africa. The white paper on “Local Government adopted by Cabinet in March 1998 outlined framework and programmes to guide municipalities to commit to work with citizens and groups within the communities to find sustainable ways to meet their social, economic and material needs to improve the quality of their lives”. Since 2007 epidemic service delivery protests started to be a national problem where 80 percentages of service delivery protests between the periods of 2007-2014 were violent. For instance, Musina Municipality experienced violent service delivery during the period of 2007-2014 where its properties, economy and people’s lives were in stake. Therefore, this study was driven by the need to analyse the implications of service delivery protests on the economy of Musina Municipality. A qualitative method approach to investigate the problem of service delivery protests implications on stability and economy in Musina Municipality will be used. A case study regarding service delivery effectiveness and violence used by people as a response and expression of a plea to be heard by their municipality will be investigated. / NRF

The advent of a political democracy in South Africa in 1994 generated hope for a better life for all South Africans especially those marginalised during the apartheid era. The newly formed democratic government was confronted with the mammoth task of expounding and decreeing policies and processes that would warrant equality and equity in the provision of basic services to its citizens. Local government being the third sphere of government and which is closest to the people was entrusted with the responsibility of rendering basic services to its people as well as to address the backlogs that have accumulated during the apartheid era as depicted in the 1996 Constitution. Despite the efforts made by government to meet the requirements of the people in providing them with adequate basic services such as clean water, electricity, roads housing and refuse removal, these services were either not provided at all or it was done at a snail‟s pace. This led to widespread service delivery protests. In light of the above, this empirical study investigates the causes of the service delivery protests in City of Johannesburg (CoJ) from 2009 until 2014. Numerous studies have been pursued to examine the reasons and causes for service delivery protests and the conclusions derived is the slow pace of providing electricity, water and sanitation to the local communities. It therefore can be deduced that no democracy can subsist and prosper if citizens are still living in deprivation and in a state of discrimination and unemployment without them having visions for a better life. The manifestation of service delivery protests is thus a risk to South Africa‟s young democracy and its sustainability, which cannot be ignored. The findings of this study clearly revealed that communities in the CoJ are discontented and disgruntled because of, amongst other things, the lack of delivery of basic services, the deployment of cadres to municipal management positions, the abuse of the tendering system, nepotism and favouritism, which have negatively affected service delivery. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)