Este trabalho consiste em uma análise dos enquadramentos construídos durante a cobertura das manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil por dois telejornais: o Jornal Nacional, principal telejornal da maior emissora de televisão comercial em alcance e audiência, a TV Globo; e o Repórter Brasil, programa mais importante do jornalismo da TV Brasil, única emissora pública brasileira de alcance nacional. O referencial teórico inclui: as relações entre comunicação e política, especialmente os conceitos de comunicação pública, marcada pelo debate acerca de temas de interesse público, e o espetáculo, caracterizado pela passionalidade; o poder da televisão e a sua relação com o jornalismo; e acontecimento público, enquanto tipo de acontecimento que articula sociedade, mídia e política. O conceito teórico-metodológico que fundamenta as análises é o enquadramento. Foram analisados sete edições de cada telejornal, correspondentes aos dias 13, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 e 26 de junho de 2013. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a cobertura factual do Jornal Nacional privilegiou a emoção e a constituição do espetáculo político-midiático, enquanto a cobertura do Repórter Brasil distanciou-se dos fatos a fim de aprofundar o debate sobre os temas de interesse público envolvidos no acontecimento. / This paper presents an analysis of 2013 protests in Brazil’s media coverage, in two kinds of news broadcasting: Jornal Nacional, the main news show of TV Globo, the biggest Brazilian comercial broadcasting in terms of audience and coverage; and Repórter Brasil, the main news show of TV Brasil, the only national public broadcasting in Brazil. Theoretical discussion includes: communication and politics, specially the concepts of public communication and public debate, and media oriented political spectacle; the power of television and journalism; and public event, as the type of event able to articulate society, media and politics. Frame analisys is the theoretical and methodological concept which serves as base for discussion. Seven editions of each news broadcast were analysed, corresponding to June 13th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th, and 26th, 2013. As result, the meanings of violence presented by both broadcasts were reconstructed. It is also possible to affirm that Jornal Nacional’s coverage has privileged emotion and the building of media oriented political spectacles, while Repórter Brasil’s has deepened the debates about themes of public interest involved in this event.

La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la Roumanie .... / In Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes.

PINHO, Silvana de Sousa. Movimentos de Protestos Virtuais da Anonymous no Brasil: unidos como um e divididos por fakes. 2016. 246f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2016. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-06T14:14:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_tese_sspinho.pdf: 8339539 bytes, checksum: 4b4aae21a9ed6ebf979919360b7a85b0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-05-06T15:24:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_tese_sspinho.pdf: 8339539 bytes, checksum: 4b4aae21a9ed6ebf979919360b7a85b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-06T15:24:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_tese_sspinho.pdf: 8339539 bytes, checksum: 4b4aae21a9ed6ebf979919360b7a85b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / This thesis, entitled "Movement of virtual protests by the Anonymous in Brazil: united as one and divided by fakes," presents an analytical evaluation of the Anonymous Protests Network, since its inception, in the site 4chan, to show dissent against the World Cup Brazil - 2014, having reached its peak in the June 2013 Demonstrations, in which Anonymous had influential participation, either through online activism practices as in direct actions offline. The ideology supporting Anonymous is characterized by a form of political struggle which aims at achieving human emancipation through hiper-democracy, technocracy and complete freedom of expression, information and communication. The process of a successful establishment of these ideas would take place through the practice of new models of social mobilization, that is, by an autonomous educational process - self-vigilant, anonymous - which would develop a horizontal movement without leaders, without interference from political parties and without ideologies. This model differs from the political form of struggle of the twentieth century, characterized by the traditional split between left and right movements with leaders in a personality vertical hierarchal power line, guided by explicit ideological tendencies. In order to understand the development of the Anonymous protest actions in Brazil, it was used as a empirical research base several virtual sources such as Facebook pages and YouTube channels of Anonymous cells in Brazil and abroad, as well as observation of street protests, such as "Operation September 7" and "Operation No World Cup", besides interviews with Anonymous activists. The process of analysis of the sources was weighted by the study of the contents and the various forms of languages used in the actions of cyberactivists. It was found that the development of political struggles based on ideas spawned by Anonymous, as far as it proposes to break the traditional model of political action, in spite of counting with significant number of activists, the Anonymous ideology was not understood by most of his followers and activists. The very form of creating Anonymous cells in Brazil had a distorted start and was conducted in vertical fashion, anonymity allowing activists to follow plans established by small groups or unknown organizations, as well as appropriation of Anonymous cells by fakes, which led to certain mobilizations guided by political interests of a partisan and ideological nature. This fact resulted in divisions, ruptures and complaints by parts of some cells. As an example of this situation one can cite Anonymous FUEL, which remained active, but with a vigilant stance on Anonymous ideology, and two other branches, Anonymous Paraná and Anonymous Curitiba, which declared themselves inactive, given misrepresentation of Anonymous ideas by other cells that assumed militarist causes and defended a coup d’état in Brazil. For this study, the methodology used had as reference discourse analysis of Bakhetin (2002) and Ducrot (1987). For themes that permeate the study, such as cyberspace, hacktivism, postmodernism and social movements, it was used as a theoretical basis the contributions of Castells (1999), Levy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) and Beck (2000). / A presente Tese, intitulada “Movimentos de protestos virtuais da Anonymous no Brasil: unidos como um e divididos por fakes”, apresenta um estudo analítico da Rede de Protestos Anonymous, desde seus primórdios, no site 4chan, até os protestos contra a Copa do Mundo no Brasil - 2014, tendo como ápice as Manifestações de Junho de 2013, nas quais a Anonymous teve influente participação, tanto por meio de práticas de ativismo online quanto em ações diretas, offline. O ideário Anonymous é caracterizado por uma forma de luta política que objetiva alcançar a emancipação humana por meio da hiperdemocracia, tecnocracia, total liberdade de expressão, informação e comunicação. O processo de conquista deste ideário se daria pela prática de novos modelos de mobilizações sociais, ou seja, por um processo educativo autônomo, autovigilante, anônimo, que se desenvolveria num movimento horizontal, sem lideranças, sem interferências de partidos políticos e sem ideologias. Este modelo se diferencia da forma de luta política do século XX, caracterizada pela tradicional dicotomia entre esquerda e direita, movimentos com lideranças verticalizadas, personalistas e guiadas por tendências ideológicas explícitas. No intuito de compreender o desenvolvimento das ações de protestos Anonymous no Brasil, utilizou-se como base empírica de pesquisa diversas fontes virtuais, tais como páginas do Facebook e canais do Youtube das células de Anonymous no Brasil e exterior, além de observação dos protestos de rua, “Operação 7 de setembro” e a “Operação Não vai ter Copa”, e entrevistas com ativistas Anonymous. O processo de análise das fontes foi ponderado pelo estudo dos conteúdos e das diversas formas de linguagens utilizadas nas ações ciberativistas. Verificou-se que o desenvolvimento da luta política com base no ideário Anonymous, na medida em que se propôs a romper com o modelo tradicional de movimento político, apesar de agregar significativo número de ativistas, o ideário Anonymous não foi compreendido pela maioria de seus seguidores e ativistas. A própria forma de criação das células Anonymous no Brasil teve um início desvirtuado, tendo sido conduzido de modo verticalizado, em cujo anonimato permitiu que os ativistas seguissem planos estabelecidos por pequenos grupos ou organizações desconhecidas, bem como a apropriação das células Anonymous por fakes, que conduziram determinadas mobilizações orientadas por interesses políticos, partidários e ideológicos. Tal fato resultou em divisões, rupturas e denúncias por partes de algumas células. Por exemplo, a Anonymous FUEL, que continuou ativa, mas com uma postura vigilante em relação ao ideário Anonymous, bem como as células Anonymous Paraná e Anonymous Curitiba, que se declararam inativas, dadas a deturpação de ativistas Anonymous que passaram a assumir causas militaristas e golpistas. Para fins deste estudo, a metodologia utilizada teve como referência a análise de discurso de Bakhtin (2002) e Ducrot (1987). Para temas que permeiam o estudo, como o ciberespaço, hackerativismo, pós-modernidade e movimentos sociais, utilizou-se como base teórica as contribuições de Castells (2003), Lévy (1999), Melucci (1989), Tilly (1978), Vegh (2003), Harvey (2008), Santos (2000), (2002), Giddens (1991) e Beck (2000).

Nesta dissertação, se analisará três protestos operários e as tentativas de controle social exercido contra eles por parte da força policial, trabalhistas e imprensa comercial na cidade de Rio Grande, no estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O controle social constituiu-se pelo uso de repressão policial associada ao anticomunismo. As três conjunturas analisadas, que serviram de base ao estudo, são: a greve contra a entrada de navios estrangeiros na Lagoa dos Patos em 1949; a manifestação do 1° de Maio de 1950; e a greve geral de 1952 contra a carestia do custo de vida. Estes protestos ocorreram em meio ao governo autoritário de Dutra e no início no segundo governo de Vargas. Internacionalmente configurava-se o período conhecido como Guerra Fria, o que ajudou a definir a política conservadora dos governos em relação aos operários. Nos protestos analisados, houve a participação de milhares de trabalhadores e uma marcante presença comunista, em um momento que o PCB estava ilegal. A pergunta que guiou a pesquisa foi a de como as classes dominantes locais, lançaram mão de seus instrumentos na tentativa de controlar o movimento operário? Buscando assim, analisar as relações sociais de dominação e resistência. / In this dissertation, will be analyzed three workers protests and the attempts of social control exercised against them by the police force, labor and trade press in the city of Rio Grande, in Rio Grande do Sul. The social control was consisted by the use of police repression associated with the anticommunism. The three situations analyzed, which formed the basis of the study are: the strike against the entry of foreign vessels in the Lagoa dos Patos, in 1949; the manifestation of 1 May 1950; and the general strike of 1952 against the high cost of life. These protests occurred during the authoritarian government of Dutra and the beginning of second government of Vargas. Internationally, was configured the period that has become known as the Cold War, which helped define the conservative policy of governments in relation to workers. In the protests analyzed, was the participation of thousands workers and a marked presence communist at a time which the PCB was illegal. The question that guided the research was: how the local ruling classes made use of their instruments in the attempt to control the workers movement? Seeking thus, to analyze the social relations of domination and resistance.

Cette thèse contribue à la littérature sur les manifestations, la participation des femmes au marché du travail et la migration de retour. Le premier chapitre examine l’impact des manifestations égyptiennes de 2011 sur les conditions du marché du travail des femmes en utilisant des données en panel d’avant et d’après la révolution. En utilisant la méthode des doubles différences ainsi que des données sur les «martyrs» de la révolution égyptienne, les résultats suggèrent que les manifestations de 2011 ont réduit les écarts homme-femme en termes de participation au marché du travail au sein du ménage, à travers l’effet du travailleur additionnel. Le deuxième chapitre examine l’impact de la migration temporaire sur la mobilité professionnelle des migrants de retour vis-à-vis des non-migrants. En employant l’approche de variable instrumentale, des doubles différences et des doubles différences combinées avec la méthode d’appariement, les résultats mettent en avant un effet positif de la migration de retour sur la mobilité professionnelle et surtout, pour les migrants de retour les plus éduqués. Le troisième chapitre examine l’impact des première et deuxième vagues de manifestations égyptiennes sur les résultats électoraux durant les premières élections libres et compétitives égyptiennes. Le résultat principal est qu’une exposition élevée aux manifestations mène à un pourcentage de votes plus élevé pour les candidats de l’ancien régime durant les deux tours de scrutin. Les résultats mettent aussi en lumière que les manifestions ont eu des répercussions conservatrices, aux côtés de prévisions économiques négatives, de l’insatisfaction générale à l’égard de la performance du gouvernement, de la réduction des niveaux de confiance envers les institutions publiques et de la reconnaissance croissante des limitations aux libertés civiles et politiques. / This thesis contributes to the literature on protests, women’s labor force participation and return migration. The first chapter examines the effects of the 2011 Egyptian protests on the relative labor market conditions of women using panel data from before and after the protests. Using Difference-in-Differences approach and a unique dataset on the Egyptian “martyrs", the results suggest that the 2011 protests have reduced intra-household differences in labor force participation between husband and wife, through an added-worker effect. The second chapter examines whether temporary international migration enables returnees to climb the occupational ladder compared to non-migrants. Using an instrumental variable approach, Difference-in-Differences and Difference-in-Differences matching techniques, the results suggest that return migration increases the probability of upward occupational mobility, in particular for returnees who belong to the upper end of the educational distribution. The third chapter examines the effects of the first and second waves of Egyptian protests, on voting outcomes during Egypt’s first free presidential elections. The main finding of this chapter is that higher exposure to protests’ intensity leads to a higher share of votes for former regime candidates, both during the first and second rounds of Egypt’s first presidential elections after the uprisings. Results also suggest that the protests led to a conservative backlash, alongside negative economic expectations, general dissatisfaction with government performance, decreasing levels of trust towards public institutions, and increasing recognition of limitations on civil and political liberties.

Este trabalho consiste em uma análise dos enquadramentos construídos durante a cobertura das manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil por dois telejornais: o Jornal Nacional, principal telejornal da maior emissora de televisão comercial em alcance e audiência, a TV Globo; e o Repórter Brasil, programa mais importante do jornalismo da TV Brasil, única emissora pública brasileira de alcance nacional. O referencial teórico inclui: as relações entre comunicação e política, especialmente os conceitos de comunicação pública, marcada pelo debate acerca de temas de interesse público, e o espetáculo, caracterizado pela passionalidade; o poder da televisão e a sua relação com o jornalismo; e acontecimento público, enquanto tipo de acontecimento que articula sociedade, mídia e política. O conceito teórico-metodológico que fundamenta as análises é o enquadramento. Foram analisados sete edições de cada telejornal, correspondentes aos dias 13, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 e 26 de junho de 2013. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a cobertura factual do Jornal Nacional privilegiou a emoção e a constituição do espetáculo político-midiático, enquanto a cobertura do Repórter Brasil distanciou-se dos fatos a fim de aprofundar o debate sobre os temas de interesse público envolvidos no acontecimento. / This paper presents an analysis of 2013 protests in Brazil’s media coverage, in two kinds of news broadcasting: Jornal Nacional, the main news show of TV Globo, the biggest Brazilian comercial broadcasting in terms of audience and coverage; and Repórter Brasil, the main news show of TV Brasil, the only national public broadcasting in Brazil. Theoretical discussion includes: communication and politics, specially the concepts of public communication and public debate, and media oriented political spectacle; the power of television and journalism; and public event, as the type of event able to articulate society, media and politics. Frame analisys is the theoretical and methodological concept which serves as base for discussion. Seven editions of each news broadcast were analysed, corresponding to June 13th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th, and 26th, 2013. As result, the meanings of violence presented by both broadcasts were reconstructed. It is also possible to affirm that Jornal Nacional’s coverage has privileged emotion and the building of media oriented political spectacles, while Repórter Brasil’s has deepened the debates about themes of public interest involved in this event.

Cette thèse retrace l’invention, à la fin des années 1970 d’un « problème de la deuxième génération » par un réseau transnational de fonctionnaires, d’experts et de chercheurs qui ont contribué à donner de la consistance à un groupe encore introuvable, c’est-à-dire non utilisé comme principe d’identification ordinaire. Elle restitue l’importation de la catégorie second generation, empruntée à la sociologie américaine, et le travail de traduction mené par des experts pour l’indexer au contexte de l’Europe post-migratoire. Elle s’intéresse également à la formation de nouveaux savoirs indexés aux « spécificités » de l'enfant d'immigrés et analyse le rôle des sciences sociales dans la formation d’un groupe social indéterminé. L’enquête restitue ensuite le passage de la catégorie de seconde génération du monde des politiques publiques vers celui des mobilisations collectives. Nous analysons la formation de huis clos protestataires qui ont favorisé des prises de parole sur des bases ethniques et permis l’émergence de porte-paroles parmi la jeunesse d’origine immigrée. Nous analysons les possibles que ces mobilisations ont ouverts au prisme d'une analyse longitudinale des carrières militantes et d'une étude pragmatique du déroulement des actions protestataires. Nous nous intéressons enfin aux conséquences biographiques d’une politique fondée sur des liens de reconnaissance interpersonnels et déconnectée de dispositifs de lutte contre les inégalités ethno-raciales. Les difficultés à négocier l’épuisement des mobilisations et le désarroi militant sont analysés comme la conséquence d’une politique compassionnelle qui a soulevé des espoirs tout en posant les fondements de leur impossible réalisation / This thesis analyses the invention, in the late 1970’s, of a « second generation problem » by a transnational network of experts, scholars and bureaucrats who gave increasing significance to a group which was still nowhere to be found, that is, not used as an ordinary self-identification category. It studies the borrowing of the “second generation” category form American sociology and the translation work conducted by experts to adapt it to the post-migratory European situation. It also investigates the appearance of a new knowledge adapted to the North African immigran children’s “specificities” and tries to understand the role of social sciences in the formation of an undefined social group. The research then focuses on the circulation of the “second generation” category between the public policy realm and the protests realm. We analyse the formation of protests behind closed doors which allowed claims on ethnic bases, and the emergence of spokespersons among the second generation. We seek to identify the emergence of new opportunities for a generation of immigrants’ children, by investigating simultaneously the activists’ careers in a diachronic perspective and the protests’ sequence of events in a pragmatic perspective. We finally address the biographical impact of a politics based on interpersonal bonds of recognition and disconnected from any measures against racial inequality. The troubles ex-activists had to recover from the end of protests and the confusion it generated are viewed as a consequence of a politics of compassion which nurtured hope but at the same time laid the foundation for its own failure

Este trabalho consiste em uma análise dos enquadramentos construídos durante a cobertura das manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil por dois telejornais: o Jornal Nacional, principal telejornal da maior emissora de televisão comercial em alcance e audiência, a TV Globo; e o Repórter Brasil, programa mais importante do jornalismo da TV Brasil, única emissora pública brasileira de alcance nacional. O referencial teórico inclui: as relações entre comunicação e política, especialmente os conceitos de comunicação pública, marcada pelo debate acerca de temas de interesse público, e o espetáculo, caracterizado pela passionalidade; o poder da televisão e a sua relação com o jornalismo; e acontecimento público, enquanto tipo de acontecimento que articula sociedade, mídia e política. O conceito teórico-metodológico que fundamenta as análises é o enquadramento. Foram analisados sete edições de cada telejornal, correspondentes aos dias 13, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 e 26 de junho de 2013. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a cobertura factual do Jornal Nacional privilegiou a emoção e a constituição do espetáculo político-midiático, enquanto a cobertura do Repórter Brasil distanciou-se dos fatos a fim de aprofundar o debate sobre os temas de interesse público envolvidos no acontecimento. / This paper presents an analysis of 2013 protests in Brazil’s media coverage, in two kinds of news broadcasting: Jornal Nacional, the main news show of TV Globo, the biggest Brazilian comercial broadcasting in terms of audience and coverage; and Repórter Brasil, the main news show of TV Brasil, the only national public broadcasting in Brazil. Theoretical discussion includes: communication and politics, specially the concepts of public communication and public debate, and media oriented political spectacle; the power of television and journalism; and public event, as the type of event able to articulate society, media and politics. Frame analisys is the theoretical and methodological concept which serves as base for discussion. Seven editions of each news broadcast were analysed, corresponding to June 13th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th, and 26th, 2013. As result, the meanings of violence presented by both broadcasts were reconstructed. It is also possible to affirm that Jornal Nacional’s coverage has privileged emotion and the building of media oriented political spectacles, while Repórter Brasil’s has deepened the debates about themes of public interest involved in this event.

Nesta dissertação, se analisará três protestos operários e as tentativas de controle social exercido contra eles por parte da força policial, trabalhistas e imprensa comercial na cidade de Rio Grande, no estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O controle social constituiu-se pelo uso de repressão policial associada ao anticomunismo. As três conjunturas analisadas, que serviram de base ao estudo, são: a greve contra a entrada de navios estrangeiros na Lagoa dos Patos em 1949; a manifestação do 1° de Maio de 1950; e a greve geral de 1952 contra a carestia do custo de vida. Estes protestos ocorreram em meio ao governo autoritário de Dutra e no início no segundo governo de Vargas. Internacionalmente configurava-se o período conhecido como Guerra Fria, o que ajudou a definir a política conservadora dos governos em relação aos operários. Nos protestos analisados, houve a participação de milhares de trabalhadores e uma marcante presença comunista, em um momento que o PCB estava ilegal. A pergunta que guiou a pesquisa foi a de como as classes dominantes locais, lançaram mão de seus instrumentos na tentativa de controlar o movimento operário? Buscando assim, analisar as relações sociais de dominação e resistência. / In this dissertation, will be analyzed three workers protests and the attempts of social control exercised against them by the police force, labor and trade press in the city of Rio Grande, in Rio Grande do Sul. The social control was consisted by the use of police repression associated with the anticommunism. The three situations analyzed, which formed the basis of the study are: the strike against the entry of foreign vessels in the Lagoa dos Patos, in 1949; the manifestation of 1 May 1950; and the general strike of 1952 against the high cost of life. These protests occurred during the authoritarian government of Dutra and the beginning of second government of Vargas. Internationally, was configured the period that has become known as the Cold War, which helped define the conservative policy of governments in relation to workers. In the protests analyzed, was the participation of thousands workers and a marked presence communist at a time which the PCB was illegal. The question that guided the research was: how the local ruling classes made use of their instruments in the attempt to control the workers movement? Seeking thus, to analyze the social relations of domination and resistance.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation analyzes the emergence and dynamics of contestation of the Coletivo Debaixo between the years of 2013 and 2016 in Aracaju. The Coletivo Debaixo appears after the manifestations of June of 2013, known in the city as Acorda Aracaju, through the monthly occupation titled Sarau Debaixo in the Viaduct Journalista Carvalho Déda, popularly known like “Viaduto do DIA”. This research also demonstrates, from the Coletivo Debaixo, the process of emergence of a collective that results from the cycle of protests of 2013 and that, in this sense, is also a consequence of a process of elaboration of a collective action model which has as main repertoire of collective action the occupation of the public space with the use of forms of aesthetic contestation. Along with this, the collective uses, and also elaborates, a grammar of contestation that is based on the notion of the "unequal city" and need of resumption of the public space that is a very recurrent agenda among the social movements from the manifestations of 2013. The collective is formed by young people, almost all university students, who have two common elements in their life histories, their involvement with forms of artistic expression such as the punk movement, poetry and hip-hop and previous participation in social movements, political parties and other collectives. These common events among the life stories of the members of the collective mark the forms of action and organizational models triggered by the group. The monthly occupation of the viaduct, the third tuesday of the month, during those years contributed to the creation of a contestation routine that began to be experienced by a group of actors already mobilized in social movements, political and collective parties, as well as sympathizers. This monthly routine, a form found by the collective to keep as manifestations of 2013 on the streets beyond that year, was responsible for identifying the viaduct as a new "political place". This "political place" underwent a dynamics of re-signification of its public space that occurs during the three years of mobilization. After that, the viaduct is recognized by other social movements in one place to be used for a claim in various ways. In this sense, this research is part of a field of research on the developments of the 2013 protest cycle in Brazil, such as the emergence of new mobilized groups and the expansion of forms of political participation. / Esta dissertação analisa o surgimento e as dinâmicas de contestação do Coletivo Debaixo entre os anos de 2013 e 2016 em Aracaju. O Coletivo Debaixo surge após as manifestações de junho de 2013, conhecidas na cidade como Acorda Aracaju, através da ocupação mensal intitulada Sarau Debaixo no Viaduto Jornalista Carvalho Déda, popularmente conhecido como Viaduto do DIA. Essa investigação trata-se também de demonstrar, a partir do Coletivo Debaixo, o processo de emergência de um coletivo que resulta do ciclo de protestos de 2013 e que, nesse sentido, é também consequência de um processo de elaboração de um modelo de ação coletiva que tem como principal repertório de ação coletiva a ocupação do espaço público com o uso de formas de contestação estética. Junto a isso, o coletivo utiliza, e também elabora, uma gramática de contestação que tem como base a noção da “cidade desigual” e necessidade de retomada do espaço público que é uma pauta bastante recorrente entre os movimentos sociais a partir das manifestações de 2013. O coletivo é formado por jovens, quase todos estudantes universitários, que possuem dois elementos comuns em suas histórias de vida, o envolvimento com formas de expressão artística como o movimento punk, a poesia e o hip-hop e a participação anterior em movimentos sociais, partidos políticos e outros coletivos. Esses eventos comuns entre as histórias de vida dos integrantes do coletivo marcam as formas de ação e modelos de organização acionados pelo grupo. A ocupação mensal do viaduto, as terceiras terças-feiras do mês, durante esses anos contribuiu para a criação de uma rotina de contestação que passou a ser experimentada por um conjunto de atores já mobilizados em movimentos sociais, partidos políticos e coletivos, assim como simpatizantes. Essa rotina mensal, forma encontrada pelo coletivo para manter as manifestações de 2013 nas ruas para além daquele ano, foi responsável pela identificação do viaduto enquanto um novo “lugar político”. Esse “lugar político” surge através de uma dinâmica de ressignificação desse espaço público que acontece durante os três anos de mobilização. Após isso, o viaduto se torna reconhecido por outros movimentos sociais enquanto um lugar a ser utilizado para a reivindicação de diversas pautas. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa se insere em um campo de investigação acerca dos desdobramentos do ciclo de protesto de 2013 no Brasil tais como o surgimento de novos grupos mobilizados e da ampliação das formas de participação política. / São Cristóvão, SE