Este trabalho refere-se aos saques e quebra-quebras deflagrados na capital paulista nos dias 4, 5 e 6 de abril de 1983. A partir do exame de reportagens, notícias, artigos, editoriais, cartas de leitores, propagandas e comunicados pagos veiculados nos jornais O Estado de S.Paulo e Folha de S.Paulo, entre 5 e 10 de abril, procurou-se identificar e analisar as representações desses acontecimentos nas diferentes esferas do poder e da sociedade. Para tanto, considerou-se os protestos populares no contexto social, político e econômico em que estavam inseridos movimentos sociais organizados nas periferias de São Paulo ao longo da década de 1970, o processo de abertura política e a crise recessiva. Buscouse ainda compreender o significado das ações diretas como formas de luta reivindicatória e a potencialidade reveladora e transformadora das rebeldias sociais. / This paper is about the popular protest that took place, in the capital of São Paulo, on April 4th, 5th and 6th, 1983. From the investigation of news, news articles, editorials, letters from readers, publicities and paid announcements from the newspapers O Estado de S. Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo between April 5th and April 10th , this study identifies and analyzes the representations of these events on the strata of society and power. Furthermore, it was taken into consideration the popular manifestations in the social, political and economical context in which they belonged organized social movement in the outskirts of São Paulo city during the 1970s decade, the gradual democratization process and the economical crisis. Besides that, this study tried to understand the meaning of direct actions as a way of fighting for peoples rights as well as the potential power of change and disclosure of the social rebellions.

Etude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie, perspectives comparatistesCette thèse s’intéresse à l’étude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie. Pour ce faire, Elle tente de comprendre les mécanismes qui président au déclenchement de l’émeute. Cela passe d’abord par une interrogation sur les liens que peut entretenir l’émeute avec les différents contextes, puis par une proposition d’une perspective comparatiste entre les émeutes algériennes et françaises. Ce travail de recherche s’interroge sur les facteurs distinctifs qui expliquent la singularité des émeutes en Algérie, en accordant une attention particulière aux « répertoires d’actions » (Tilly et Tarrow, 2008) qui ont été utilisés par les jeunes émeutiers. Il s’agit aussi de s’intéresser aux questionnements sur la nature de système politique algérien et son rôle dans le déclenchement de l’émeute, ainsi que les conditions sociales favorables au passage à l’action émeutière. Cette étude sur la sociologie des émeutes se situe au carrefour de la sociologie et de la sociohistoire en s’appuyant à la fois sur des analyses qualitative et quantitative. Ce travail est axé sur des entrevues qualitatives menées en grande partie avec des jeunes. À cela se sont ajoutés des entretiens menés avec d’autres différents acteurs et ce, dans l’objectif de compléter notre enquête.Cette étude montre que le contexte politique occupe une grande place dans l’émergence de ce phénomène social qui est l’émeute. Celle-ci tire son origine dans la frustration ressentie par la jeunesse Algérienne au même titre que dans la fermeture du champ politique et la nature autoritaire de l’État algérien. Cette étude a mis en rapport l’émeute et le malaise social découlant d’abord d’un processus structuré, qui commence par la paupérisation et la précarisation des classes populaires. Ces émeutes ne sont pas détachées du contexte social et de cette « frustration relative » (Gurr, 1970 ; Corcuff, 2009). / Sociological study of riots in Algeria, comparative perspectives.This thesis deals with a sociological study about riots in Algeria. To do this, it seeks the comprehension of mechanisms that cause riots. It starts with questioning the links between riots and different contexts, and then it ends with a proposition of a comparison between riots in Algeria and France. This research paper tends to find out the distinguishing factors which explain the particularity of riots in Algeria through taking into account a special attention to “events repertory” (Tilly and Tarrow, 2008) that has been used by the rioters. It’s also a matter of questioning the nature of the Algerian political system and its role in the breaking up of these riots; as well as the social conditions that helped riots to break out.This sociological study of riots can be found between that of sociological history and sociology focusing on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. This work is based on qualitative interviews made mainly with young people. In addition to other interviews made with different categories of people for the purpose to end our investigation.This paper shows that the political context takes a great part in the emergence of this social phenomenon which is riot. This latter takes its origin from the deep frustration felt by the Algerian youth as well as the absence of political participation and the authoritarian nature of the Algerian political system.This study has put an emphasis on the relationship between riots and social difficulties resulted first from a structured process, and which begins with the pauperization and insecurity of the popular classes. These riots are not separated from the social context and what is called as “a relative frustration” (Gurr, 1970; Corcuff, 2009).

This thesis investigates if Distributed Denial-of-Service attacks constitute a valid form ofcivil disobedience online. For this purpose a multi-dimensional framework is established,drawing on Brownlee’s paradigm case and classical theory of civil disobedience. Threedifferent examples of DDoS attacks are then examined using this framework - the attacksfrom the Electronic Disturbance Theater in support of the Zapatista movement;Anonymous’ Operation Payback; Electrohippies’ attack against the World TradeOrganization. Following the framework, none of these DDoS attacks are able to constitute acivilly disobedient act online. The thesis then goes on and identifies four key issues, drawingon the results from the examples: The loss of 'individual presence', no inimitable feature ofDDoS attacks, impeding free speech and the danger of western imperialism. It concludes thatDDoS attacks cannot and should not be seen as a form of civil disobedience online. Thethesis further proposes that online actions, in order to be seen as civilly disobedient actsonline, need two additional features: An 'individual presence' of the protesters online tocompensate for the remoteness of cyberspace and an inimitable feature in order to berecognizable by society. Further research should investigate with this extended framework ifthere are valid forms of civil disobedience online.

Since the wave of civil violence in the USA in the 1960s, many social theorists have tried to explain why riots occur. Despite at least 50 years of research since then, there is still not enough insight to anticipate large events like the 2011 Arab Spring and London riots. The main goal of this thesis is therefore to improve understanding about how underlying conditions influence and drive riot dynamics, such as the intensity, spread, and duration. I develop a new mechanistic and stochastic agent-based model for riots. Previous models have either only targeted general phenomena associated with riots, or aimed at behaviour specific to a single event. In this thesis I combine both approaches: I demonstrate how the model in which the motivation of the agents is based on general concepts, can be applied to the specific situation of the 2011 London riots. The model reproduces the majority of the behaviour observed in the London riots (r = 0.4-0.8). One of the key factors under investigation is the relationship between protests and outbursts of civil violence. Riots are often preceded by protests, such that a large pool of potential rioters is directly available. I find that the number of times a protest is repeated has greater influence on riot dynamics than the protest crowd size. The support shown during demonstrations might incite false confidence in individuals, potentially leading to quicker escalation. Another question is how contact networks and collective identity influence the spread of violence between different locations. The role of online social media (e.g. Twitter) has been a major focus in trying to explain why the violence in the 2011 Arab spring spread so quickly and so far. I investigate the role of social similarity as another factor that might have contributed to the diffusion of unrest, and demonstrate the existence of a critical transition in riot activity when increasing the density of the contact network in the model. Such increases in density beyond the critical thresholds might have been introduced by online social networks. Finally, I explore the sensitivity to cooperation of different potential riot groups. In some cases, mixed populations with different collective identities can form coalitions within neighbourhoods based on shared grievances, which could lead to increases in riot size and riot probability. I examine the influence of the social structure and spread of these populations over different neighbourhoods, as well as the overlap in grievances and different demographic structures.

Basing on the Discourse Analysis by Pêcheux, this study aimed to unveil directions of journalistic speeches of Magazines Veja and CartaCapital about the June 2013 protests. In order to do it, I resorted to some studies in the field of Pêcheux Works (1990, 1999 2009, 2011, 2013), Courtine (2003, 2006, 2009), Eni Orlandi (1983, 1993, 1996, 2005, 2011), Zandwais (2009), Zoppi-Fontana (2003), among many others. Our corpus were the reports of these two magazines about the protests from June to December 2013. According to the analysis, the research revealed that the designations given to the protests and protesters by the RV diverge according to their interests, however in general, they pointed to the negative appreciation of the terms when it came to protests and protesters who rebelled against capitalism in the streets of big cities. The Carta Capital magazine, on the other hand, presented a heterogeneous discourse in relation to the RV discourse, as it revealed a position in favor of the protests and protesters. / Fundamentando-se na Análise de Discurso pecheuxtiana, este trabalho teve como objetivo desvelar os sentidos dos discursos jornalísticos das revistas Veja e CartaCapital sobre os protestos de junho de 2013. Para isso, recorremos a alguns estudos da área nas obras de Pêcheux (1990, 1999, 2009, 2011, 2013), Courtine (2003, 2006, 2009), Eni Orlandi (1983, 1993, 1996, 2005, 2011), Zandwais (2009), Zoppi-Fontana (2003), entre muitos outros. Nosso corpus foram as reportagens destas duas revistas sobre os protestos no período de junho a dezembro de 2013. De acordo com a análise realizada, a pesquisa revelou que as designações dadas a protestos e manifestantes por parte da RV variaram, de acordo com os seus interesses, mas de maneira geral, elas apontaram para a valorização negativa dos termos, quando se tratava de protestos e manifestantes que se insurgiam contra o capitalismo nas ruas das grandes cidades. Já a revista CartaCapital apresentou um discurso heterogêneo com relação ao discurso da RV, pois revelou uma posição sujeito a favor dos protestos e dos manifestantes.

A sequência de protestos em junho de 2013 sacudiu o cenário político brasileiro como um terremoto - foram manifestações que começavam e terminavam nas telas. Além de matéria-prima para imagens, as passeatas também como imagens sociais (dependem do olhar social) e itinerantes (para adquirir valor e significado), fundando uma nova visibilidade. Para apreender a dimensão desses eventos na instância da imagem ao vivo, foi analisada a edição especial do Jornal Nacional do dia 20 de junho daquele ano. Nos resultados, obtidos por meio da técnica da análise de conteúdo, é notório o adestramento do olhar que, insensível, olhou a multidão de uma perspectiva superior. / The series of protests in June 2013 has changed Brazilian political scenery in an abrupt way as an earthquake - the demonstrations began and ended on the television screens. More than base for images, the riots constitute social images (which depend on the social point of view) and are itinerant (to form value and meaning). To comprehend the dimension of these events in the context of instance of the live image, this work studies, by content analyses approach, the special edition of Jornal Nacional in the 20th June 2013. The results show that the point of view of the imagetic speech is cold, unsympathetic and arrogant towards the protesters.

Este trabalho refere-se aos saques e quebra-quebras deflagrados na capital paulista nos dias 4, 5 e 6 de abril de 1983. A partir do exame de reportagens, notícias, artigos, editoriais, cartas de leitores, propagandas e comunicados pagos veiculados nos jornais O Estado de S.Paulo e Folha de S.Paulo, entre 5 e 10 de abril, procurou-se identificar e analisar as representações desses acontecimentos nas diferentes esferas do poder e da sociedade. Para tanto, considerou-se os protestos populares no contexto social, político e econômico em que estavam inseridos movimentos sociais organizados nas periferias de São Paulo ao longo da década de 1970, o processo de abertura política e a crise recessiva. Buscouse ainda compreender o significado das ações diretas como formas de luta reivindicatória e a potencialidade reveladora e transformadora das rebeldias sociais. / This paper is about the popular protest that took place, in the capital of São Paulo, on April 4th, 5th and 6th, 1983. From the investigation of news, news articles, editorials, letters from readers, publicities and paid announcements from the newspapers O Estado de S. Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo between April 5th and April 10th , this study identifies and analyzes the representations of these events on the strata of society and power. Furthermore, it was taken into consideration the popular manifestations in the social, political and economical context in which they belonged organized social movement in the outskirts of São Paulo city during the 1970s decade, the gradual democratization process and the economical crisis. Besides that, this study tried to understand the meaning of direct actions as a way of fighting for peoples rights as well as the potential power of change and disclosure of the social rebellions.

More than half a century after the liberation of the majority of African countries, Africa is facing major socio-economic challenges including unemployment, slow economic growth and inequality. With waves of violent service delivery protests over the last few years throughout South Africa, it is now more than ever vital to identify the key challenges to development and the ways to overcome these trials. The importance of plans for development, and that reliable data plays an essential role in development have been wildly discussed, especially as the legitimacy and reliability of plans are highly dependent upon the quality of the data utilised. Even though data plays such a significant role in development, quality up to date data is expensive, difficult to obtain and in many instances not available. Furthermore, South Africa and many developing countries do not have the luxury of such data, nor the skills and resources to develop high quality statistics on a regular basis. In the light of the importance of accurate up-to-date data for planning and the lack of the aforementioned data in South Africa, the dissertation explores means of ‘accessing’ high quality up-to-date data by the use of ‘proxy indicators’. The dissertation seeks to explore whether it would be possible to use proxy indicators to measure local economic conditions and to identify a set of proxy indicators that accurately portray the economy. The study commences with an analysis on the relationship between a number of proxy indicators and the national economy in order to identify a set of proxy indicators that accurately portrays the economy where after the accurate indicators is empirically tested to that of the local economy in three study areas. The study established that six proxy indicators can be used to measure the local economy in South Africa. These are the (1) number of middle class residential properties sold, (2) growth in residential building activity, (3) retail sales of durable goods including business profit, (4) hardware sales including business profit, (5) volume of sales of spare parts for vehicles and (6) fuel consumption. Apart from the fact that the indicators mirror the economy to a high degree, a number of trends with regards to the dynamics of the relationship between the indicator and the economy were revealed. The study demonstrated that there is merit in further studies regarding the use of proxy indicators in planning / Dissertation (MTRP)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Town and Regional Planning / unrestricted

Thesis (M. Dev. (Development & Management)) -- University of Limpopo, 2015 / The manifestation of violence during the constitutionally protected protest action is highly questionable and unexpected feature of, the democratic dispensation in South Africa. Moreover, the right to protest is provided with strong restrictions to violence. Literature has publicised the reasons advanced for these fierce violent public protests dominating the democratic state and they are amid the lack of service delivery, maladministration and political squabbles. However, the geographic area of the protests questions the legitimacy of the so called service delivery protests. Notwithstanding, the recent statistics that show an upward increase in the accessibility of basic services by South Africans. Thus, this study dismisses the idea that the fierce public protests are as a result of a lack of service delivery, maladministration or political squabbles. Considering the location of the protests which is mostly in informal settlements close to metropolitan cities where some services have been provided. Whereas, the rural communities that receive very minimal, and to some extent no services have recorded very few protests linked to service delivery. Therefore, this study locates the violent public protests in the demonstration effect due to the geographical area and the advanced influence of media. The study used scholarship analysis to scrutinise the textual data gathered on the rationale underlying the violent public protests in South Africa’s globally-acclaimed democratic dispensation.

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