The dissertation presents several texts dealing with the freedom of assembly in international human rights law, foreign law and the Brazilian constitutional law. It is not mere reproduction of normative statements, includes research the legal discourse developed around that fundamental freedom by doctrine and jurisprudence in the various protection systems, while making a critical reflection, as befits academic research. This bias is related to the perspective of legal effect. On the other hand, from the perspective of social effectiveness, by intuitively notice the growing recurrence to the use of public space from the streets as a form of collective action with extensive diversity of repertoire and considerable consequences, academic study presents several episodes related to the demonstrations in Brazil and other countries illustrative for illustrative and representative title. The purpose is to understand the limits and possibilities of this fundamental freedom, closely linked to the development of democracy.________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ / La disertacíón presenta varios textos que tratan de la libertad de reunión en el derecho internacional de derechos humanos, el derecho extranjero y el derecho constitucional brasileño. No es mera reproducción de enunciados normativos, incluye la investigación del discurso jurídico desarrollado en torno a esta libertad fundamental por la doctrina y la jurisprudencia en los diversos sistemas de protección, mientras que hace una reflexión crítica, como la investigación académica ser requiere. Este sesgo se relaciona con la perspectiva de efectos jurídicos. Por otro lado, desde la perspectiva de la eficacia social, a notar de modo intuitivo la creciente recurrencia al uso del espacio público de las calles como una forma de acción colectiva con una amplia diversidad de consecuencias repertorio y considerables, el estudio académico presenta varios episodios relacionados con la manifestación públicas en Brasil y otros países para el título ilustrativo y representativo. El objetivo es comprender los límites y las posibilidades de esta libertad fundamental, estrechamente vinculada al desarrollo de la democracia. / A dissertação apresenta diversos textos que tratam da liberdade de reunião no direito internacional dos direitos humanos, no direito constitucional estrangeiro e no direito constitucional brasileiro. Não se trata de mera reprodução de enunciados normativos, inclui a pesquisa o discurso jurídico desenvolvido em torno dessa liberdade fundamental pela doutrina e pela jurisprudência nos diversos sistemas de proteção, sem deixar de efetuar uma reflexão crítica, como é próprio de uma pesquisa acadêmica. Esse viés está relacionado à perspectiva da eficácia jurídica. Por outro lado, na perspectiva da efetividade social, ao se notar intuitivamente a crescente recorrência ao uso do espaço público das ruas como forma de ação coletiva com extensa diversidade de repertórios e consequências consideráveis, o estudo acadêmico apresenta vários episódios referentes a manifestações públicas no Brasil e em outros países a título ilustrativo e representativo. O propósito é compreender limites e possibilidades dessa liberdade fundamental, vinculada estreitamente ao desenvolvimento da democracia. / São Cristóvão, SE

The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey’s involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank. My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms. I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey’s case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey’s involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states’ foreign policy decisions.

This thesis in an exploration of political mobilisation and its relation to violence and control in the townships of the Vaal Triangle, South Africa, c.1976 to 1986, with a particular focus on the Vaal Uprising of 1984. It examines the emerging conflict between councillors and local communities and the redrawing of imagined boundaries of community. Councillors were demarcated as a collective group that was perceived to be violating the social contract and were regarded as being obstacles to meaningful political change. The period saw the emergence of a localised discourse around accountability, political legitimacy, transparency, freedom and community. Political subjectivities were influenced by the straddling of everyday experiences of oppression, violence, inequality and poverty on one hand and the impact of ideologies of freedom and liberation on the other. The latter were promoted by the African National Congress in exile, as well as the United Democratic Front, but these organisations did not provide direct leadership. On 3 September 1984 the conflict escalated, sparked by an announcement to increase rent, service tariffs and municipal levies. It led to a large-scale uprising that altered the political and social landscape. It heralded the beginning of the insurrectionary period of the mid-1980s that brought the most sustained challenge to the apartheid regime. The relative success of the uprising in enforcing concessions from local authorities and the departure of councillors from the townships informed subsequent political strategies. The state attempted to win Hearts and Minds with limited reforms but also used heavy-handed repression. Terror began to escalate and state violence further conscientised and radicalised local communities. Youth activists in particular came to believe that the regime could only be overcome if confronted with strategies of political violence. Alleged informers and black policemen came under increasing attack, reflecting a redrawing of boundaries of community and hindering effective policing.

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

(in English): This diploma thesis deals with events related to student protests in 1968 in Mexico during which occurred a violent suppression of demonstrations against a rigid political system controlled by the PRI for several decades. This diploma thesis describes the course of the demonstrations from June to October 1968, using declassified diplomatic notes and intelligence prepared by relevant bureaus of the United States of America operating in Mexico as a source. The well-known and mapped events of student protests in Mexico in 1968 which escalated with the bloodshed in the square in Tlateloclo, Mexico, D.F., where soldiers and policemen interfered with protestors, are examined in the perspective of American diplomats and intelligence officers.

Ante la necesidad de establecer una adecuada evaluación de la gestión de riesgos para una mejor comprensión de los procesos operativos, financieros y comerciales en el negocio, una metodología para el ejercicio de la función de auditoría interna con enfoque basado en riesgos permitirá a la compañía el logro de los objetivos planteados. Dicha metodología se alinea a los estándares establecidos en las normas internacionales para el ejercicio profesional de la auditoría interna emitidos por el instituto de auditores internos (IAI). / Trabajo de investigación

L’injonction à la "participation" des populations n’est pas propre aux démocraties. Dans des situations autoritaires comme en Tunisie, des politiques de développement affichent aussi la "participation de la société civile". Cette thèse analyse ces dispositifs participatifs et leurs appropriations à partir d’un matériau ethnographique et proposopographique recueilli dans la région minière de Gafsa entre 2006 et 2010, via une démarche inductive et une "description dense" des rapports ordinaires au politique. Les politiques "participatives" contribuent à la construction des figures symétriques des "bons pauvres" et des "bons experts", rôles auxquels les acteurs tendent à se conformer. Ici, la "participation" n'est pas tant l’objet de la recherche qu’un analyseur des effets de la domination du régime et des capacités des acteurs à la contourner (ou pas). Sortir des référentiels cognitifs de la "participation démocratique" – implique alors d'analyser les (contre-)conduites des acteurs et organisations concernés autant au sein qu'en dehors de ces dispositifs : le choix d'un nombre relativement réduit d'enquêtés permet une étude longitudinale des variations de ces rapports au politique. L'oxymore d'autoritarisme participatif désigne ici à la fois le type de domination autoritaire analysé et les formes des différents registres de participations politiques que cette domination tend à encourager, cadrer et canaliser, ou au contraire à interdire et à réprimer. Nous contournons par cette démarche deux oppositions par trop naturalisées : d'une part, la dichotomie entre consentement et révolte ; d'autre part, une opposition d'échelle entre individus (ou petits groupes) et structures / Injunction to “participation” isn’t specific to democratic regimes. In authoritarian situations, such as in Tunisia, development policies also claim “civil society’s participation”. This dissertation analyses the participatory devices and their appropriations from an ethnographical and prosopographic material collected in the Gafsa mining region between 2006 and 2010, through an inductive approach and thick descriptions of ordinary relations to politics. “Participatory” policies contribute to the building of the symmetric figures of the “good poors” and the “good experts” – roles to which actors tend to conform to. Here, “participation” isn’t so much the object of an investigation than an analyzer of the effects of the regime’s domination and of the capacities actors have (or haven’t) to bypass it. Breaking with the cognitive frameworks of “democratic participation” implies to analyze actor’s and organization’s (counter)behaviors within as well as outside of those devices: the choice of a relative small number of actors opens way for a longitudinal study of the variation of theirs relations to politics. The “participatory authoritarianism” oxymoron describes here both the type of the analyzed authoritarian domination and the forms of the diverse types of political participations that this domination tends to support, frame and channel; or to forbid and suppress. This enables us to avoid two oppositions which have been too much naturalized : on the one hand, the dichotomy between consent and rebellion, and, on the other, the opposition of scales between individuals (or small groups) and structures.

Thesis (M.A. (Criminology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016 / The study aimed to determine the relationship between service delivery protests and crime in the Sekhukhune District Municipality. To achieve the study a qualitative approach was adopted. Focus group discussions were held with 10 discussants in each of the municipalities within the Sekhukhune District Municipality (10 in Elias Motsoaledi Municipality, 10 in Ephraim Mogale Municipality, 10 in Greater Tubatse Municipality, 10 in Fetakgomo Municipality, and 10 in Makhuduthamaga Municipality).Thematic analysis were used to analysed data collected from 50 participants. The results revealed that lack of service delivery, corruption, poor housing and unemployment cause service delivery protests. Service delivery protests turn violent due to community frustrations and police presence escalates the violence. Sekhukhune District Municipality members participate in violent service delivery protests due hopelessness and lack of knowledge of participatory mechanisms. Road barricading, tyre burning and vandalism are the nature of criminality associated with service delivery protests. Public protests are caused by a myriad of factors; however the findings indicate that there is a gulf that exists between the public and the municipal authorities. The public voice seems not to be heard by authorities, which leads to the public engaging in public protests. Public protests come only as a last resort, after all public participation avenues have been exhausted including the failure of the authorities to respond timeously to public demands. The study was able to determine the relationship between service delivery protests and crime. Sekhukhune District Municipality need to explore ways for both the invited spaces and invented spaces of participation to co-exist. This will provide for early detection (warning signs) for the levels of frustrations and subsequent protests.

Thesis (M. A. (Sociology)) --University of Limpopo, 2017 / The purpose of this study was to explain the events surrounding the Marikana miners’ strike in 2012, using Marxism’s concept of class consciousness. The labour disputes witnessed at Marikana in 2012 represent one of the major labour movements that South Africa has witnessed since the inception of democracy. This study adopted qualitative research methods to inquire into the events of the Marikana 2012 labour disputes. Methods used in this study include qualitative research, descriptive research design, Marxism critical inquiry, purposive sampling and critical discourse analysis. Moreover, the study investigated employee relations in the mining sector. In addition, this study also examined the Marikana miner’s working and living conditions and probed the role of social control agencies, including, trade unions, bargaining councils and the police, during the protests. This study proposes a fair distribution of wealth in the mining sector and the removal of the Migrant Labour System. Additionally, this study recommends transparency in the mining sector, the transformation of the education system and the restructuring of trade unions. / University of Limpopo Research Office

This thesis deals with how three chosen Czech daily newspapers - Rudé právo, Mladá fronta (later Mladá fronta DNES) and Lidové noviny - wrote about significant events that took place in the union republics during the last three years of the Soviet Union's existence (1989-1991). It specifically focuses on those events through which the republics were trying to regain freedom and independence for themselves - either through protests, or in a political matter. The thesis also addresses events that were somehow groundbreaking or during which ordinary people, who went to the streets to express their dissaproval of current political situation or to defend legally elected bodies, lost their lives. The thesis uses qualitative analysis to find out if there was a difference in how these three selected Czech newspapers wrote about such events in the context of changes that occured in the Czech political and media system, and if each own coverage somehow evolved.