This study examines former U.S. Supreme Court Justice William Brennan, Jr.'s opinions on the following administrative law topics: civil rights, civil liberties, human resource management, due process, and privacy. The purpose of this examination is (1) to apply Rohr's regime values framework to Brennan's case law, (2) to determine the usefulness of Brennan's regime values to discretionary decision making, and (3) to consider the effectiveness of these regime values as a pedagogical approach to ethics. A purposive sample of 25 cases was selected for the study. Case briefing and discourse analysis were the primary research methods used. I found eight regime values in Brennan's opinions: freedom, accountability, flexibility, equity and equality, unconstitutional conditions, property, and social justice. Social justice was his dominant regime value and is the basis for all of his jurisprudence. Brennan's regime values reconcile two approaches to ethics, the low road and the high road, by emphasizing a Constitutional basis for the latter. Brennan's values may help administrators learn how to think through the important decisions they make daily by providing both a foundation and justification for their choices. Public administrators can be taught how to use the regime values method to extract additional values. / Ph. D.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Stela da Silva Ferreira.pdf: 1697162 bytes, checksum: b106811ed3aeb94f8493db6b228482c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work intends to explore the connections between on the job training and work place within the SUAS - Sistema Único de Assistência Social (Brazilian Unified Social Protection System). It is based on some SUAS social workers narratives collected in public debates on social work with families, in interviews, and focal groups. This method allowed access to collective work experiences at municipalities, and regional levels within the State of Sao Paulo. Those narratives in the light of the bibliography of several fields philosophy, social work, public healthy, and sociology -, make it explicit some elements such as conflicts, academic knowledge, actual experience and new knowledge needs. Those elements might contribute to deep the connections between on the job training and work place within the SUAS - Sistema Único de Assistência Social (Brazilian Unified Social Protection System). One intends to contribute with the production of gradients of the construction of autonomy and coresponsability for a more democratic management of the SUAS that responds to a dignity pattern forged in the public service user s rights of the Brazilian social protection policy / O objeto desse estudo são os nexos entre educação em serviço e trabalho institucional do sistema único de assistência social. As condições históricas e políticas que o tornam possível na primeira década (2005-2015) de implantação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS) são apresentadas na introdução. Nela são recuperados processos macroinstitucionais nos quais a gestão do trabalho e a educação permanente foram pautados (as Conferencias Nacionais) e instituídos com a aprovação de normativas de alcance nacional. Também são apresentados ao leitor os referenciais analíticos do método proposto a pedagogia da problematização (também denominada como aprendizagem baseada em problemas no ensino superior). A sequência dos capítulos demonstra o desenvolvimento do próprio método estudado: inicia-se a partir de situações concretas de trabalho que geram crises e incertezas no ambiente institucional. Em seguida, estimula-se o pensamento crítico referenciado na ética de responsabilidade (ética pública), agregando elementos teórico-metodológicos já existentes, bem como contextualiza-se essas situações na história da assistência social e os projetos éticos e políticos nela em disputa. Finalizando a demonstração do método, o último capítulo volta às experiências concretas para delas extrair pistas e indicações de novos modos de articular educação e trabalho no SUAS, sobretudo pela demanda de produção de novos conhecimentos e estratégias de uso do poder institucional. Os referenciais analíticos que sustentam esta escolha são trazidos somente quando necessário explicitá-los diante das situações concretas apresentadas. Além de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica em diferentes áreas do conhecimento, o estudo vale-se de narrativas de trabalhadores do SUAS produzidas em espaços coletivos: debate público sobre o trabalho social com famílias na região Sudeste, envolvendo profissionais e gestores das esferas federal, estadual e municipal; entrevista coletiva e grupo focal que deram acesso a experiências coletivas em âmbito municipal e regional no estado de São Paulo. Nas considerações finais são explicitados os elementos que este estudo pôde acessar e que tem consistência para adensar os nexos entre educação permanente e trabalho no SUAS. Por fim, são destacados dois aportes analíticos: i) a diferenciação ente educação continuada e educação permanente no SUAS e ii) os deslocamentos de poder que o método pode produzir nas relações de saber e poder instituídas na gestão, no cotidiano dos serviços e na atenção direta ao cidadão. Com isso, pretende-se contribuir com a produção de maiores gradientes de construção de autonomia e corresponsabilidade para uma gestão mais democrática do SUAS e à altura do padrão de dignidade inscrito nos direitos dos usuários desta política de proteção social devida pelo Estado brasileiro

When faced with an emergency situation, politicians are often forced to sacrifice their core moral principles in order to better serve the immediate public interest. This is commonly described as the Dirty Hands dilemma. Dirty Hands theorists conditionally defend politicians, but they leave the dilemma under-defined. Realists think that politicians do not even need defence, but their approach is overly relativistic and fails to distinguish between moral and immoral exercises of political authority. The present study critically engages with both sides of the debate in two parts. First, I use the method of conceptual analysis — and specifically conceptual disambiguation — to find out how each side conceives of the nature of the Dirty Hands dilemma. I find that (1) the dilemma emerges when a politician is forced to disregard the core human rights of certain individuals or groups to safeguard similar rights of others, and (2) the Realists fail to distinguish the concept of Dirty Hands from the concept of Political Compromise and Dirty Hands dilemmas from ordinary moral dilemmas. Second, using the method of reflective equilibrium, I advance the normative judgement that, instead of expressing guilt and paying the price, politicians should commit to not making their actions easy precedents when they confront a Dirty Hands dilemma. This study offers a better theoretical understanding of the Dirty Hands dilemma and a practical approach to distinguishing between moral and immoral exercises of political authority.

C’est un contexte américain bouleversé par la loi texane du battement de cœur (interdisant l’avortement après six semaines de grossesse, soit avant que la plupart des femmes ne soient au courant de celle-ci) qui a fait émergé cette nécessité de reréfléchir aux politiques anti-avortement aux États-Unis. Les tensions sociales que la loi a engendré naissent en partie d’une incapacité à intégrer la religion en modernité et dans l’espace public. Un changement de langage s’impose donc. Au lieu d’opposer classiquement « droit des femmes » VS « droit à la vie », nous l’abordons sous l’angle de la nature des arguments utilisés, soit des arguments séculiers d’un côté, inscrits dans le contexte de l’individualisme moderne où l’argument se justifie par le choix, et de l’autre, des arguments de nature religieuse. En témoignent cette loi et le contexte de recrudescence de la religion, la volonté d’écarter l’Église n’a jamais empêché celle-ci de s’exprimer ni d’influencer la décision politique. Si elle est un caractère permanent de nos sociétés, ne vaudrait-il mieux pas tenter de réfléchir sa présence ? En dégageant des modalités sur cette intégration du discours religieux, nous créons des points de comparaison pour l’analyse de la loi en question. C’est la théorie de l’agir communicationnel de Jürgen Habermas en même temps que ces écrits en philosophie politique sur l’intégration religieuse et la sécularisation qui ont été utilisés. De nature théorique et conceptuelle ce mémoire a suivi la méthodologie d’une revue critique interprétative. Nous avons constaté qu’un tel cadre de réflexion pouvait s’appliquer à la mise en place d’une intégration de la croyance au sein du débat sur l’avortement et que celui-ci devait finalement partir des femmes et ce au sein même de la relation médecin-patient. Finalement le cadre utilisé a généré et formulé des critiques décentrées de celles habituellement avancées dans le débat sur l’avortement. Ressort de l’analyse qu’elle n’est pas seulement dommageable pour les femmes et les droits fondamentaux, mais pour l’entreprise juridique, démocratique et la religion elle-même. / The need to rethink anti-abortion policies in the U.S. arose in the wake of the Texas "heartbeat law" (prohibiting abortion after six weeks of pregnancy, i.e. before most women are aware of it). The social tensions generated by this law stem partly from an inability to integrate religion in a healthy way into modernity and the public sphere. Instead of classically opposing women's rights VS the right to life, we approach the issue from the angle of the nature of the arguments used: secular arguments on the one hand, inscribed in the context of modern individualism where the argument is justified by choice, and religious arguments on the other. As both this law and the resurgence of religion attest, the desire to sideline the church has never prevented it from expressing itself or influencing political decision-making. If religion is a permanent feature of our societies, wouldn't it be better to reflect on its presence? By identifying the modalities of this integration of religious discourse, we create points of comparison for the analysis of the law in question. We have drawn on Jürgen Habermas's theory of communicative action, as well as his writings in political philosophy on religious integration and secularization. Theoretical and conceptual in nature, this dissertation followed the methodology of an interpretive critical review. We found that such a framework could be applied to the integration of belief into the abortion debate, and that this ultimately had to start with women within the doctor-patient relationship. In the end, the framework used generated and formulated criticisms off-center of those usually advanced in the abortion debate. The analysis shows that it is not only harmful to women and fundamental rights, but also to the legal and democratic enterprise and to religion itself.

Corruption, understood as the misuse of public office for private gain, has become a matter of global concern. Numerous measures being taken, not least in South Africa, to contain its spread are increasingly regarded as attempts in "fighting corruption". The South African public sector provides the context for this study where manifestations of corrupt behaviour may be observed and analysed. Particular attention is given to the role, relevance and costs which, as this study shows, must first be calculated in monetary terms as a fiscal end in order for the task of fighting corruption to produce a sustainable impact. The national strategy developed by the South African government has been compromised by the absence of sufficient resources being committed from the national fiscus for its implementation. It is misleading to assume that new laws and tighter regulations will of themselves serve to deter corrupt practices. One notices a plethora of public administration reforms being initiated to control and prevent corruption in line with international best practice. Yet, as this study concludes, such efforts even at higher fiscal cost will not necessarily contribute to reduced corruption. No attempt should be made to create a situation of a "zero tolerance" level of corruption as this is not possible. Ultimately, the challenge for the South African public sector is to seek ways of rationalising existing resources such that a single agency led by someone with moral authority can be vested with powers to lead the fight against corruption. / Public Administration / (D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)

Corruption, understood as the misuse of public office for private gain, has become a matter of global concern. Numerous measures being taken, not least in South Africa, to contain its spread are increasingly regarded as attempts in "fighting corruption". The South African public sector provides the context for this study where manifestations of corrupt behaviour may be observed and analysed. Particular attention is given to the role, relevance and costs which, as this study shows, must first be calculated in monetary terms as a fiscal end in order for the task of fighting corruption to produce a sustainable impact. The national strategy developed by the South African government has been compromised by the absence of sufficient resources being committed from the national fiscus for its implementation. It is misleading to assume that new laws and tighter regulations will of themselves serve to deter corrupt practices. One notices a plethora of public administration reforms being initiated to control and prevent corruption in line with international best practice. Yet, as this study concludes, such efforts even at higher fiscal cost will not necessarily contribute to reduced corruption. No attempt should be made to create a situation of a "zero tolerance" level of corruption as this is not possible. Ultimately, the challenge for the South African public sector is to seek ways of rationalising existing resources such that a single agency led by someone with moral authority can be vested with powers to lead the fight against corruption. / Public Administration and Management / (D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)

La transparence de la vie publique correspond à un corpus de règles contraignantes visant à renouer la confiance entre les citoyens et les responsables publics. En outre, la notion de transparence se trouve quasi naturellement associée par la doctrine à l’idéal démocratique. L’analyse du droit positif montre que la transparence de la vie publique a élargi significativement le droit de la probité des responsables publics en développant une approche complémentaire de l’arsenal répressif préexistant. En trente ans, la législation a évolué dans le sens d’une plus grande effectivité. Cependant, elle présente encore de nombreuses insuffisances, particulièrement en matière de contrôle du financement de la vie politique. Par ailleurs, le potentiel démocratique de la transparence s’avère inexploité. La transparence de la vie publique n’entraîne pas de rééquilibrage entre les pouvoirs et fait une place marginale aux citoyens. Le législateur et le juge constitutionnel ne lui reconnaissent pas une valeur constitutionnelle. De plus, sa contribution à la garantie des droits politiques essentiels à la démocratie parlementaire reste mesurée. En revanche, le principe de séparation des pouvoirs et certains droits fondamentaux limitent considérablement la portée des contrôles sur les responsables publics et font obstacles à la transparence. / Transparency in public life refers to a set of restrictive rules designed for restoring trust between citizens and public leaders. Moreover, transparency is naturally associated to the democratic ideal. Analysis in positive law shows transparency in public life significantly broadens probity rules for politicians and public leaders as it develops a complementary approach to pre-existing repressive rules. For thirty years, statutes have evolved to a better efficiency. Nevertheless, they are still not enough, especially regarding controls over political funding. In addition, the transparency democratic potential has been neglected. Transparency in politics does not refund the balance between powers and only gives a marginal role for citizens. Both Parliament and Constitutional judge do not recognise it as a constitutional value. Furthermore, their contributions to guarantee political rights in a parliamentary democracy are moderate. Finally, the separation of powers and some fundamental rights limit substantially the reach of controls over public leaders.

Offentligt anställda förväntas agera i enlighet med förvaltningsetiken och implementera politiskt fattade beslut. Att rollen kan uppleva förvaltningsetikens krav som oförenliga med deras yrkesetik har aktualiserats efter riksdagsvalet 2022. I samband med regeringsbildningen presenterade regeringspartierna med samarbetsparti Tidöavtalet, i vilket det föreslås att offentliganställda som kommer i kontakt med individer utan uppehållstillstånd ska vara skyldiga att anmäla detta till Migrationsverket och polis. Detta har lett till stora protester hos bland annat hälso- och sjukvårdspersonal, som mobiliserat under parollen Vi anger inte.  Utifrån hälso- och sjukvårdspersonalens protester belyser uppsatsen den potentiella spänningen mellan krav på styrbarhet och att den offentligt anställde agerar etiskt ansvarsfullt, såväl professionsetiskt som förvaltningsetiskt. Studien använder sig av Lundquists teori om konkurrerande etiska system för utvärdera om och hur protesten kan motiveras förvaltningsetiskt. Det empiriska material som ligger till grund för undersökningen utgörs huvudsakligen av debattinlägg av hälso- och sjukvårdspersonal. Dessa har analyserats med hjälp av riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys.  Resultaten visar att personalens protester kan förstås dels utifrån ett professionsetiskt perspektiv, dels utifrån ett förvaltningsetiskt enligt vilket sjukvårdspersonalen uppvisar ämbetskurage. Likväl är den rollen oförenlig med den som styrbar offentliganställd.