Les transactions foncières avec des entreprises étrangères, plus communément qualifiées d’« accaparement des terres », sont considérées comme un enjeu de développement central dans de nombreux pays du continent africain. Ce problème rythme, depuis la fin des années 2000, les débats médiatiques et politiques et donne lieu à une production scientifique prolifique. Cette thèse se veut une contribution aux résultats pluridisciplinaires existants en construisant les transactions foncières, c’est-à-dire les processus d’échange de ressources, de sens et de pouvoir, comme un objet de recherche heuristique en science politique qui permet d’engager une discussion théorique stimulante sur les liens entre l’Etat, le pouvoir et le territoire. Alors que la littérature tend à négliger les expressions plurielles de l’Etat dans la marchandisation des terres, cette recherche démontre, à travers le cas tanzanien, que l’analyse des transactions foncières et de la formation de l’Etat sont indissociables. L’étude des politiques de promotion de l’investissement en Tanzanie, discutée à travers les résultats de trois cas de transaction foncière, prouve que les enjeux de la mise en marché des terres ne peuvent être lus qu’au regard de la construction historique de l’Etat. D’une part, les politiques de transactions foncières ne cessent d’être régulées, négociées et (re)orientées par les acteurs étatiques. D’autre part, ces politiques publiques participent à la (trans)formation continue de l’Etat tanzanien. L’enjeu de cette thèse est ainsi de renouveler les recherches sur le foncier, sur la construction de l’Etat et sur l’analyse de l’action publique. / Recent land deals with foreign companies, often referred to as “land grabs”, are considered to be a central development issue in many African countries. Since the late 2000s, the mediagenic question of “land grabbing” has stimulated political debates and has led to a prolific and pluridisciplinary literature. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing research by approaching land deals as a heuristic research object in political science. More precisely, we argue that land investment projects challenge the relationship between state, power and territory. Much of the literature on “land grabbing” tends to overlook the multiple expressions of the state in the different processes of land commodification. However, by using Tanzania as a case study, we demonstrate that land deals and state-building processes are mutually dependent. Our empirical analysis of the Tanzanian land investment policies and of three specific transactions with foreign companies, proves that the commodification of land rights is strictly linked to historical state formation. On the one hand, policies of land deals are constantly regulated, negotiated and (re)oriented by state actors. On the other hand, public policies shape the continuous formation of the Tanzanian state. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to renew the research on land, state-building and public policy analysis.

Les partenaires sociaux gestionnaires de l’assurance chômage en faisant appel à des opérateurs privés de placement ont une double ambition : accélérer le reclassement des chômeurs et étendre leurs prérogatives en matière d’aide au retour à l’emploi. L’introduction expérimentale de l’externalisation cristallise alors les conflits de régulation du service public de l’emploi entre régime paritaire, opérateur public et services du ministère. Les enjeux du service public de l’emploi se concentrent sur les évaluations dans la mesure où les acteurs ont la conviction que les résultats pourraient influer sur l’avenir de l’externalisation. L’absence de démonstration de l’efficacité supérieure des opérateurs privés n’entrave toutefois pas leur institutionnalisation. La nouvelle configuration institutionnelle issue de la fusion de l’ANPE et des Assédic en 2008 est marquée par une reprise en main par l’Etat. Toutefois, l’externalisation du placement et son institutionnalisation se poursuivent avec de nouveaux objectifs. L’opérateur public se réapproprie l’externalisation pour la mobiliser comme variable d’ajustement, signe de sa position de domination qui confine à un nouveau monopole. Cette recherche se situe au croisement de la sociologie de l’action publique, de la sociologie des relations professionnelles et de la sociologie économique. Elle montre l’introduction de formes de concurrence au cœur du service public de l’emploi. La régulation concurrentielle pour réaliser la mission de placement, loin de constituer un projet politique en soi correspond à un outil pour mettre en œuvre des conceptions différentes du service public de l’emploi. / Social partners in charge of unemployment benefits follow two ambitions when outsourcing to private providers: to shorten the unemployment period for unemployed persons and to expand their prerogatives on return to employment activities. Introducing outsourcing experiments crystallises conflicts of public employment service regulation between the institution jointly managed by employee and employer representatives, the public operator and the State services.The main stakes of public employment service regulations revolve around evaluations as the stakeholders are convinced that evaluation results could have a decisive impact on the future of outsourcing.However, institutionalisation is not hampered despite the fact the claimed greater effectiveness of private providers is not demonstrated.The merge of ANPE and Unédic give birth to a new institution where the State has more power than before. Despite these changes, institutionalisation of outsourcing carries on with new objectives. The public operator reclaims outsourcing to mobilise private providers as an adjustment variable reflecting its dominant position verging on a new monopoly. This research leans on public policy analysis, industrial relations theory and economic sociology. It demonstrates the introduction of competition within public employment service. Far from being a political plan in itself, competitive regulation to achieve placement is a tool to implement different visions of public employment service.

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o processo de formação da agenda na política remuneratória e de reajustes salariais da Educação do Município de São Paulo surgida em 2006. Tal política, caracterizada por reajustes dos pisos remuneratórios da categoria, seguidos de incorporações nos padrões de vencimentos parceladas nos anos subsequentes, surge no governo Serra-Kassab (2005-2008) e continua durante os governos Kassab (2009-2012) e Haddad (2013-2016), proporcionando ganhos salariais reais à categoria durante o período. Procuramos compreender as formas pelas quais o tema da valorização dos profissionais de educação ascende à agenda governamental em 2006. Para tanto, buscamos entender como os fluxos de problemas, soluções e político convergem, possibilitando a abertura de uma janela de oportunidade para que a política fosse considerada e implementada, de acordo com o Modelo de Múltiplos Fluxos, de John Kingdon. Utilizamos, ainda, o Modelo de Equilíbrio Pontuado, de Frank Baumgartner e Bryan Jones, para entendermos como a imagem do problema da valorização dos profissionais de educação se relacionou com seu contexto institucional. A partir da análise da legislação municipal, de jornais sindicais e de entrevistas com os principais atores do processo, alcançamos os seguintes resultados: os fluxos de problemas, soluções e político convergiram no governo Serra-Kassab, por meio da atuação dos empreendedores de políticas públicas e dos diversos atores que participaram do processo, possibilitando a ascensão da valorização dos profissionais de educação à agenda governamental, demandando, dessa forma, atenção especial por parte dos formuladores de políticas públicas da Administração Municipal, que, juntamente com os sindicatos, chegaram, após um longo processo de negociação, a um formato acerca da política de remuneração e de reajustes salariais / This dissertation aims to analyze the process of agenda-setting in the remuneration and salary readjustments policy of the Education of the Municipality of São Paulo which emerged in 2006. This policy, characterized by adjustments of the minimum wage of the category followed by divided incorporations in the base salaries in subsequent years, was introduced by the Serra-Kassab government (2005-2008) and kept by the Kassab (2009-2012) and Haddad (2013-2016) governments, providing real wage gains to the category during this period. We seek to understand the ways in which the theme of valuing education professionals ascended in the governmental agenda in 2006. In order to do so, we need to understand how the streams of problems, policies and politics converged, allowing the opening of a window for this policy to be considered and implemented, according to John Kingdon\'s Multiple Streams Model. Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones Punctuated Equilibrium Model was also used in order to understand how the image of the problem of valuing education professionals was related to the institutional context. From the analysis of municipal legislation, trade union newspapers, and interviews with the main actors of the process, the following results were reached: the streams of problems, policies, and politics converged in the Serra-Kassab government through the action of public-policy entrepreneurs and of various actors who took part in the process, enabling the rise of the valorization of education professionals in the governmental agenda, thus demanding special attention from public policy makers of the Municipal Administration, who, paired with trade unions, came up with, after a long negotiation process, a plan for the remuneration policy and salary readjustments

Orientador: Jose Roberto Rus Perez / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T13:50:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cavalcanti_PaulaArcoverde_D.pdf: 1936379 bytes, checksum: 95f0698e23077f20629555f2650d89b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo : Esta Tese é o resultado de uma pesquisa cuja motivação é a melhoria das políticas públicas; tema que preocupa sociedades que anseiam consolidar a sua democracia num momento em que é intenso o debate acerca de qual modelo de Estado é o mais adequado para tanto. Mas, dado que qualquer que seja o modelo que emergir desse debate, a sociedade e o próprio Estado terão que prestar crescente atenção a como se formulam, implementam e avaliam as políticas públicas, foi este o foco da pesquisa. E não o Estado em si ou o debate em curso; assuntos que, diga-se de passagem, estão sendo bem explorados em nosso ambiente acadêmico. Já no início da pesquisa, ficou claro que, embora muitos dos autores que tratam o tema das políticas públicas e muitos dos pesquisadores que sobre elas pesquisam não explicitem, foram identificadas duas maneiras de estudá-las. Classificar os dois enfoques ¿ da avaliação e da análise de política pública ¿ de maneira a possibilitar aos interessados no tema um painel das contribuições dos autores que se alinham com cada um deles, foi o objetivo perseguido ao longo de boa parte da pesquisa. O que exigiu um considerável esforço de 'ida-evinda¿ entre enfoques e respectivos conceitos, marcos de referência, autores etc., até que um nível de sistematização adequado fosse alcançado. À medida que era satisfeito esse compromisso descritivo, que se exige de qualquer pesquisa acadêmica, iam se acumulando constatações e apreciações que permitiam passar a um outro, de natureza prescritiva. Ele remetia, finalmente, à motivação da pesquisa ¿ a melhoria das políticas públicas num contexto de democratização e de construção de um novo modelo de relação entre Estado e sociedade ¿, e demandava a comparação entre os dois enfoques. Ao fazê-la, novamente buscou-se atender aos interessados em se iniciar no estudo das políticas públicas. Por isso, para deixar claro as diferenças entre os enfoques, a comparação oferece um panorama baseado numa grande quantidade de referências bibliográficas. Por fim, e coerentemente com a motivação da pesquisa, se argumenta porque o enfoque da análise de políticas públicas é o que a ela melhor de ajusta / Abstract : This dissertation is a result of a research motivated by the intention to collaborate with the improvement of public policies; a subject that is in the agenda of societies that are building their democratization scenario in a situation marked by an intense debate about which model of State is more adherent to this scenario. But, since that whatever the model that will emerge from that debate, society and its State will have to pay growing attention to how public policies are elaborated, this process was the focus of the research. And not the State in itself, or the debate in course, subjects that are being well explored in our academic milieu. Since the beginning of the research, although the current view do not mention it, it became clear that there are two ways ¿ policy evaluation and policy analysis ¿ to study public policy. To classify these two approaches and to offer a consistent panorama of the available literature on each one of them was the objective pursued along good part of the research. Which demanded a considerable departure-and-arrival effort between the approaches and their concepts, frameworks, authors etc, until that an appropriate systemization level was reached. As this descriptive objective, which is a commitment to be fulfilled by any academic research, was satisfied, some reflection and insights had been accumulated. They permitted to accomplish another objective, of prescriptive nature: the improvement of public policy along a democratization process which favors the construction of a new relationship model between State and society. That is, the comparison between the two approaches. Again the intention was to offer to beginners suitable elements for the study of public policy. To make clear the differences among the approaches, a comparison based on a huge amount of bibliography were presented. In accordance to the motivation of the research, it is finally pointed out why the policy analysis approach is more adequate to accomplish it / Doutorado / Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos / Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Renato Peixoto Dagnino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T16:46:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fonseca_RodrigoRodriguesda_D.pdf: 2941516 bytes, checksum: ca38819dd8bfed91bc0ead215ecd5b1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Desigualdade, injustiça, dano ambiental, por um lado, e inclusão social, por outro, estão entrando na agenda do processo decisório da política pública brasileira. Contraditoriamente, a utilização do potencial de pesquisa e desenvolvimento local para gerar soluções economicamente viáveis e social e ambientalmente sustentáveis, que pudessem enfrentar os desafios colocados por essas questões não tinha, até pouco tempo atrás, preocupado os responsáveis pela área de ciência e tecnologia (C&T). Entre outras razões, porque nos países de capitalismo avançado, de onde provém a maior parte dos insumos teóricos e de policy making usados para a elaboração dessa política, essas questões não preocupam os governos e a comunidade de pesquisa. O fato de que num período recente estas questões mobilizaram diversas instâncias e atores da área de C&T levando à elaboração de uma Política de Ciência e Tecnologia para o Desenvolvimento Social (PCTDS) foi o que motivou a elaboração desta tese. Ela analisa eventos relacionados a essa política ocorridos entre 2003 e 2008. Sua hipótese orientadora é de que a PCTDS não tem conseguido, como política-meio, fomentar a produção de conhecimentos adequados à viabilização das políticas-fim orientadas à inclusão social, formuladas na mesma conjuntura política. Ao contrário do esperado, a PCTDS não foi capaz de dar suporte às políticas de inclusão social, em que pese o fato da ação do Estado neste campo ter produzido resultados significativos. O marco analítico-conceitual utilizado para o trabalho é tributário do instrumental de Análise de Política e dos Estudos Sociais da Ciência e Tecnologia e se apóia na contribuição de autores que analisaram a relação Estado-Sociedade e as políticas públicas latino-americanas com ênfase na política de C&T. O primeiro capítulo caracteriza a política e constrói a hipótese do trabalho. O segundo sistematiza as evidências que parecem comprová-la usando documentos oficiais e o discurso dos atores envolvidos com a PCTDS. O terceiro, usando a mesma sistematização, analisa as evidências e seus condicionantes de modo a comprovar a hipótese. No capítulo conclusivo apresentaremos elementos que consideramos necessários para superar o hiato de formulação. / Abstract: Inequality, injustice and environmental damage, on the one hand, and social inclusion, on the other hand, are entering policy agendas in Brazil. Contradictorily, the use of local research and development potential for generating socially and economically viable solutions, that could withstand the challenges posed by these issues had not, been noted by science and technology policy makers until recently. Among other reasons, this is due to the fact that in developed countries, where the majority of theoretical and policy making inputs used for the elaboration of this policy are created, these issues are not perceived as important by the government, the research community and society in general. The main motivation behind this thesis is that these issues have recently mobilized several actors involved with S&T, leading to the development of a Science and Technology Policy for Social Development (PCTDS). The thesis examines events related to this policy that occurred between 2003 and 2008. It is guided by the hypothesis that the PCTDS has been unable to encourage the production of adequate knowledge to support social inclusion policies, formulated in the same political framework. Unlike that which was expected, the PCTDS was not able to offer support to the social inclusion policies, despite the significant results these actions have produced. The analytical and conceptual framework utilized here is derived from the instruments provided by Policy Analysis and by the field of Social Studies of Science and Technology, based on the contribution of authors that have analyzed State-Society relations and Latin American public policies with emphasis on S&T policy. The first chapter defines the policy and elaborates on the main hypothesis behind the thesis. The second one systematizes evidences that seem to prove it, based on official documents and on the discourse of the actors involved with the PCTDS. The third one, using the same systematization, analyzes the evidences and some important factors in order to prove the hypothesis. In the final chapter, some evidence that we consider necessary to overcome the formulation gap of Brazilian S&T policy are presented. / Doutorado / Politica Cientifica e Tecnologica / Doutor em Política Científica e Tecnológica

The impacts and influences of globalised digitalisation has increased its presence within the political structures of both international economic and international security regimes, and the rise of e-governance systems and digital security technology has probed IR scholarship to study this policy shift from traditional forms of governance to digital ones. Less considered here is how digitalisation has been extended to the international humanitarian governance regime. Digital tools are increasingly being produced and employed within international humanitarian interventions. However, despite the rapid mobilisation of these digital technologies, humanitarian crises and their corresponding interventions are becoming more frequent and more prolonged and the assumed benefits of these well-intending digital tools are failing to improve the lives of their beneficiaries. While evaluations of these interventions are not lacking, the preoccupation of material, quantitative assessments of humanitarian missions erroneously neglect the perspectives and experiences of their intended beneficiaries. In this regard, the paper seeks to problematize the methods in which humanitarian practitioners produce and implement their digital aid in a critical study into the political and normative structures which shape the design of digitised humanitarian governance. Post Colonial theory is recalled as a central, anchoring framework from which its concepts of racialisation, hegemonic identity reconstruction, and exploitation will be theory-tested via public policy analysis to the research’s case study. Here, the ‘neutrality’ of humanitarian governance is debunked, and hidden lineages of coloniality within the UNHCR’s mandate in the Rohingya refugee emergency are brought to the fore.

À partir des années 1980, la théorisation de la promotion de la santé et sa mise en place font partie de l’agenda des organisations internationales de santé et de plusieurs gouvernements. Cependant, une certaine tension est observable dans la compréhension de la promotion de la santé, et ce, dès ses débuts. En effet, elle est conçue en général selon une approche comportementale comme stratégie pour le changement de comportements individuels ou collectifs qui met l’accent sur les facteurs de risque et très peu fréquemment conçue selon une approche structurelle, incluant une action sur les déterminants structurels des sociétés responsables de l’état de santé des populations dans une mesure plus importante que les systèmes de soins. Cette recherche qualitative –étude de cas multiples- menée en Argentine et au Brésil, vise à analyser la place et la compréhension de la promotion de la santé dans les politiques nationales de santé de deux pays à travers l’analyse du processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques. Nous viserons à distinguer la promotion de la santé en tant que comportementale ou structurelle et à expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles elle est comprise de telle ou telle autre façon. Finalement, nous essayerons d’identifier les opportunités pour qu’une approche structurelle de la promotion de la santé soit adoptée dans la politique nationale de santé. Les données analysées proviennent d’entrevues semi-structurées (n=28) et de documents divers : sites gouvernementaux sur Internet, documents remis par les interviewés, documents officiels, soit gouvernementaux, soit des organismes de coopération et de financement. Notre cadre conceptuel s’est inspiré des trois modèles : celui du changement des politiques publiques de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1999 ; 2009), celui des courants politiques de Kingdon (1984) et le cadre conceptuel proposé par Walt (1994) pour l’analyse du rôle des organisations internationales. Nous avons identifié deux niveaux d’analyse : l’organisation de l’État et le sous-système de santé. Nous avons aussi tenu compte de l’influence des événements externes et des organisations internationales de coopération technique et de financement. Notre démarche vise à observer, à analyser et à comprendre la façon dont ces niveaux influencent la place et la compréhension de la promotion de la santé dans la politique nationale de santé. La perspective temporelle de plus de douze années nous a permis de mener une analyse sur plusieurs années et de mieux comprendre le changement de la politique de santé à différents moments de son histoire ainsi que l’identification des acteurs et des coalitions les plus importants depuis l’origine des champs de la santé publique dans les deux pays. Les résultats de notre analyse montrent que la promotion de la santé – conçue selon une approche structurelle – ne fait pas encore partie du courant principal de la politique nationale de santé dans aucun des deux pays. Cependant, les explications diffèrent : En Argentine, on observe un sous-système de santé fragmenté avec prédominance du modèle médical ; les actions menées renforcent ce fonctionnement en ne permettant pas la discussion à propos des valeurs sous-jacentes à l’organisation du système de santé ni sur son changement en fonction des besoins de santé du pays. Au Brésil, la réforme sanitaire questionne le modèle préexistant et arrive à instaurer la santé comme droit au niveau de l’État. L’accent mis sur l’organisation des services réduit la compréhension de la promotion de la santé à une « politique nationale de promotion de la santé » qui vise le changement des comportements. L’analyse du rôle des organisations internationales montre deux situations différentes dans les deux pays : pour l’Argentine, il existe une dépendance majeure autant à l’agenda qu’au financement de ces organisations. Le manque d’un agenda national en matière de promotion de la santé fait que le pays adopte l’agenda international avec très peu des questionnements. Dans le cas du Brésil, la situation est bien différente et on observe une capacité importante à négocier avec la coopération internationale. Cela se fait aussi avec un intérêt du pays pour l’adoption de l’agenda des organisations internationales dans le but d’une reconnaissance et de sa participation à des instances internationales. Alors, pour des raisons différentes, les deux pays adoptent l’agenda international de la promotion de la santé avec une approche comportementale. À partir de notre recherche, nous considérons que cinq réflexions doivent guider l’analyse de la promotion de la santé en Amérique latine : 1) Les processus de réforme de l’État des années 1990 et ses conséquences actuelles (type de réforme, valeurs sociétales, arrangements constitutionnels) ; 2) Les processus de réforme des systèmes de santé avec un regard sur la composante de décentralisation (réforme sanitaire ou administrative ?, quel modèle prédomine dans le champ de la santé publique ?) ; 3) La revalorisation des soins primaires de santé de la fin des années 1990 (quel impact dans le pays ?) ; 4) La tendance à la réduction des propositions élargies autant des politiques que des programmes ; et 5) Les défis actuels des systèmes de santé (travailler avec d’autres secteurs pour produire de la santé, pour incorporer et pour mieux maîtriser les déterminants sociaux et structuraux de santé). Les résultats de notre analyse nous permettent d’identifier l’importance du rôle du gouvernement national par rapport au développement et à la compréhension de la promotion de la santé. De plus, cette recherche montre que même s’il existe une influence du contexte et de l’idéologie du gouvernement sur la compréhension de la promotion et l’inclusion des déterminants sociaux de santé, c’est l’organisation de l’État avec ces valeurs de base qui sera déterminante dans la création des conditions pour le développement d’une promotion de la santé structurelle. Alors que la littérature sur la promotion de la santé accorde encore très peu de place au rôle du niveau national et de l’État dans son développement, il est clair que ces derniers ont un impact fondamental sur la place de la promotion de la santé dans la politique et sur la façon de la comprendre et de la mettre en place. Les théories utilisées pour cette recherche nous ont aidée à modéliser notre cadre conceptuel et à mener une démarche d’analyse des politiques publiques. Cette démarche permet d’améliorer les connaissances sur le changement de la politique nationale de santé par rapport à la promotion de la santé en tenant compte des dynamiques gouvernementales, champ peu exploré encore. Ce cadre conceptuel, à la fois souple et rigoureux, pourrait s’avérer approprié pour mener d’autres recherches similaires portant sur la place et la compréhension de la promotion de la santé dans les politiques nationales de santé dans d’autres pays de l’Amérique latine. / From the 1980's, the theorization of health promotion and its implementation are part of the agenda of international health organizations and governments. However, from the beginning, there is a tension in its understanding. Indeed, health promotion in general is conceived from a behavioral approach as a strategy for changing individual or group behaviors, with emphasis on risk factors. It is rarely conceived from a structural approach that includes action on the social structural determinants of the societies. This qualitative research, a multiple case study conducted in Argentina and Brazil, aims to analyze the location and the understanding of health promotion in the national health policies of both countries through the analysis of the public policy development process. We aim to distinguish the approaches to health promotion, behavioral or structural, and explain the reasons why is understood in one way or the other. Finally, we try to identify opportunities for a structured approach to health promotion to be adopted in national health policy. The data analyzed come from semi-structured interviews (n = 28) and from the following sources: government websites, documents provided by the interviewees, and official documents from governments, cooperation agencies and funding organizations. Our conceptual framework was inspired by three models: the Model of Policy Change of Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith (1999, 2009), the Multiple Streams Model of policy-making defined by JW Kingdon (1984) and the conceptual framework proposed by Walt (1994) for analyzing the role of international organizations. We identified two levels of analysis: the organization of the State and the subsystem of health. We have also taken into account the influence of external events and of international organizations for technical cooperation and financing. We propose to observe, analyze and understand how these levels influence the place and the understanding of health promotion in national health policy. A time horizon of more than a decade allowed us to conduct a comprehensive analysis and get a better understanding of the health policy change in different historical moments of the countries studied, as well as identifying the most important actors and coalitions in the public health field. The results of our analysis show that health promotion, conceived according to a structural approach, is not yet part of the mainstream of national health policy in any of the two countries. However, the explanations are different; in Argentina we see a fragmented subsystem of health with predominance of the medical model, where the actions taken reinforce this functioning and do not allow for discussion, neither on the values underlying the organization of the health system, nor concerning their change according to the country's health needs. In Brazil, the health care reform of the 1980’s challenged the pre-existing model and achieved instituting health as a right at the State level. By putting emphasis on the organization of health services it reduced the understanding of health promotion to a "National Policy for Health Promotion" aimed at behavioral change. The analysis of the role of international organizations shows different situations in both countries: Argentina has a very strong dependence on both the agenda and the funding of these organizations; the lack of a national agenda on health promotion facilitates the adoption of the international agenda, almost without questioning. In the case of Brazil the situation is different and a strong capacity to negotiate with international cooperation is observable. The interest of this country to adopt the agenda of international organizations has the objective, among others, to gain recognition and participation in international bodies. Thus, for different reasons, we observe that the two countries adopt the international agenda of health promotion from a behavioral approach. In our research, we considered five considerations that should guide the analysis of health promotion in Latin America: 1) The processes of state reform of the 1990’s and the current consequences (type of reform, social values, constitutional arrangements), 2) the reforms of health systems with particular attention to the decentralization component (health or administrative reform?), which model dominates the field of public health?, 3) the revaluation of the APS of the late 1990’s (what impact did it have on the country?), 4) the tendency to reduce both the scope of policy and program proposals and, 5) current challenges facing health systems (collaboration with other sectors to improve health, incorporate and enhance the understanding of social and structural determinants of health). The results of our analysis allow us to identify an important role for the national government in regards to the development and understanding of health promotion. Our research shows that the organization of the State, with its basic values, will be crucial in creating the conditions for developing a structural health promotion, even when there is influence of context and government ideology on the understanding of promotion of health and the inclusion of its social determinants. While the literature on health promotion still dedicates very little attention to the role of national level and State for their development, our research shows that these two levels have a fundamental impact on the place of health promotion in national policy and on how to understand and implement it. The theories used for this research allowed us to build our conceptual framework and carry out a process of public policy analysis. This process improves the knowledge about the change in national health policy with regard to health promotion taking into account the relatively unexplored field of government dynamics. This conceptual framework is both flexible and rigorous, and may be appropriate to carry out similar research on the promotion of health in national health policies of other countries in Latin America.

La thèse a pour objectif de participer à l’étude de l’Union européenne et à celle des relations internationales en ciblant spécifiquement la régulation du secteur forêt-bois-papier. La question de fond est de savoir comment la gestion des forêts est construite en problème public européen. Prenant acte d’un agenda mondial qui donne à voir un problème forestier globalisé et des processus de gouvernance opposant multilatéralisme et acteurs transnationaux, la thèse propose de porter la focale sur les acteurs européens qui définissent et politisent les enjeux forestiers selon leur propre relation à la ressource. Pour ce faire, le travail de recherche s’appuie sur une hypothèse centrale selon laquelle l’institutionnalisation des territoires forestiers constitue une ressource d’action publique pour les acteurs face à la régulation politique multiscalaire. Afin de mettre en avant la capacité des acteurs européens à circuler parmi les échelles de régulation pour participer à la construction des politiques publiques sectorielles, la thèse s’appuie sur un cadre théorique empruntant aux Théories des relations internationales et à l’Analyse des politiques publiques. Forte d’une telle grille d’analyse sociologisée, une seconde partie s’articule autour de trois études de cas de politiques européennes de la forêt (la protection des forêts contre les feux, la valorisation énergétique de la biomasse forestière et la lutte contre le commerce international de bois illégal). Au total, elles montrent toutes trois la capacité des acteurs locaux à territorialiser des enjeux globalisés de gestion d’une ressource naturelle. / This work aims at contributing to the study of the European Union and International Relations. Through analyzing the regulation of forest-based industries and the globalization of forest issues, the aim is to identify how both have been constructed as a European public problem. This is implemented around a central hypothesis: forest territories are institutionalized by actors who participate in its regulation. In order to ascertain the ability of actors to move between scales of regulation, the thesis is grounded on theoretical tools derived from the Theories of international relations and Public policy analysis. After a first part dedicated to defining this approach, a second is presents three case studies of European public policy (forest protection against fire, t renewable energy and actions to counter the trade of illegal wood). In sum, each one shows the ability of actors to territorialize a globalized forest issue.

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os processos político-legislativos que culminaram na criação e nas modificações do mecanismo de compensação de reserva legal, previsto no revogado Código Florestal Brasileiro (Lei Federal nº 4.771/1965) e na lei que o substituiu (Lei Federal nº 12.651/2012). A questão central que orienta esta pesquisa é a seguinte: por que, desde o seu surgimento, a compensação de reserva legal sofreu constantes modificações? As hipóteses para a pergunta formulada consideram que, no complexo jogo político de alteração do Código Florestal, prevaleceram as proposições de dois agrupamentos de atores: o agronegócio (e de outros interesses associados, como mineradoras e hidrelétricas) e a bancada ruralista do Congresso Nacional. Assim, focalizando na compensação de reserva legal, estabeleceu-se um recorte temporal de 1996 a 2012, onde se analisou os processos políticos das seguintes etapas: (i) a formação da agenda governamental em 1996, que culminou na alteração do Código Florestal por medida provisória; (ii) a criação da compensação em 1998; (iii) a modificação desse instrumento no anteprojeto de lei do Conselho Nacional de Meio Ambiente (CONAMA) (2000); e (iv) a alteração proposta pelo projeto de lei aprovado na Comissão Especial Temporária do Código Florestal (2010), instituída na Câmara dos Deputados, e sua aprovação pelo plenário daquela Casa (2011), cujo texto foi incorporado na nova lei florestal (2012). No exame dessas quatro fases, considerou-se que uma política pública é o resultado da multiplicidade de elementos e sua complexa interação. Assim, conforme as especificidades de cada etapa, o desenvolvimento do trabalho demandou a mobilização de componentes teóricos dos seguintes referenciais da ciência política: o neo institucionalismo, a hegemonia do Poder Executivo sobre o Legislativo, a articulação dos grupos de interesses econômicos, a teoria dos Múltiplos Fluxos (John W. Kingdon), o pluralismo (Robert A. Dahl) e a tipologia de Theodore Lowi. Assim, o trabalho identifica os atores chaves, especialmente aqueles relacionados ao agronegócio e à bancada ruralista, seus aspectos essenciais, suas interações, a correlação de forças, os embates, as tentativas de influenciar o jogo político em relevo. Na análise da Comissão Especial do Código Florestal (2010), o trabalho identifica os parlamentares ruralistas, os donos de terras, aqueles cujas campanhas eleitorais receberam financiamento do agronegócio/interesses associados, bem como outras características que permitam entender o peso daquela bancada suprapartidária e daquele setor econômico no abrandamento das regras alusivas à compensação de reserva legal. O trabalho colheu evidencias que corroboram as hipóteses levantadas, pois a bancada ruralista e o agronegócio/interessados associados atuaram em várias frentes, mobilizaram recursos políticos e, aproveitando-se do desenho institucional, contribuíram decisivamente para a criação e modificação da compensação de reserva legal ao longo dos anos. O estudo mostra ainda que outros fatores foram importantes nesse contexto, como a posição do governo e a formação das coalizões partidárias, especialmente no Congresso Nacional. / The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the political and legislative processes that culminated in the creation and modification of the compensation mechanism of legal forest reserve, provided for in the repealed Brazilian Forest Act (Federal Act No. 4.771/1965) and in the law that replaced it (Federal Act No. 12.651/2012). The central matter guiding this research is the following: why, since its appearance, the compensation of legal forest reserves has been suffering constant changes? The hypothesis regarding the question posed considers that in the complex political game of the Forest Act alteration, there have prevailed the propositions of two groups of actors: agribusiness (and other associated interests such as mining and hydropower companies) and the Brazilian Congressional Rural caucus members performance congressmen and senators. Thus, focusing on the compensation of the legal forest reserve, a time frame from 1996 until 2012 was established, where the political processes of the following stages were analyzed: (i) the formation of the government agenda in 1996, which culminated in the amendment of the Forest Act by provisional decree; (ii) the creation of compensation in 1998; (iii) modification of this instrument in the draft bill of the National Council of Environment (CONAMA) (2000); and (iv) the amendment proposed by the bill of law approved by the Temporary Special Commission of the Forest Act (2010), introduced in the House of Representatives, and its approval by the plenary of that House (2011), whose text was incorporated in the new forest code (2012). Examining these four stages, it was considered that a public policy is the result of multiple factors and their complex interaction. Thus, according to the specificities of each stage, the development work required the mobilization of theoretical components of the following references of political science: the new institutionalism, the hegemony of the Executive Branch over the Legislative Branch, the articulation of the economic interest group, the Multiple Stream Model (John W. Kingdon), pluralism (Robert A. Dahl) and Theodore Lowis typology. Thus, the work identifies the key actors, especially those related to agribusiness and to the rural caucus, their essential aspects, their interactions, the correlation of forces, the conflicts, and attempts to influence the political game at issue. In the analysis of the Special Committee of the Forest Act (2010), the work identifies the rural parliaments, landowners, those whose electoral campaigns received funding from associated agribusiness/interests, as well as other characteristics that allow the understanding of the weight of that bench and that economic sector in loosening the rules regarding the compensation of legal forest reserve. The work gathered evidences that corroborated the hypotheses because the caucus and agribusiness/interested members acted on several fronts, mobilized political resources, taking advantage of the institutional design, contributed decisively for the creation and modification of the legal forest reserve compensation along the years. The study further demonstrates that other factors were important in this context, as the government position and formation of party coalitions, especially in the National Congress.

À partir des années 1980, la théorisation de la promotion de la santé et sa mise en place font partie de l’agenda des organisations internationales de santé et de plusieurs gouvernements. Cependant, une certaine tension est observable dans la compréhension de la promotion de la santé, et ce, dès ses débuts. En effet, elle est conçue en général selon une approche comportementale comme stratégie pour le changement de comportements individuels ou collectifs qui met l’accent sur les facteurs de risque et très peu fréquemment conçue selon une approche structurelle, incluant une action sur les déterminants structurels des sociétés responsables de l’état de santé des populations dans une mesure plus importante que les systèmes de soins. Cette recherche qualitative –étude de cas multiples- menée en Argentine et au Brésil, vise à analyser la place et la compréhension de la promotion de la santé dans les politiques nationales de santé de deux pays à travers l’analyse du processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques. Nous viserons à distinguer la promotion de la santé en tant que comportementale ou structurelle et à expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles elle est comprise de telle ou telle autre façon. Finalement, nous essayerons d’identifier les opportunités pour qu’une approche structurelle de la promotion de la santé soit adoptée dans la politique nationale de santé. Les données analysées proviennent d’entrevues semi-structurées (n=28) et de documents divers : sites gouvernementaux sur Internet, documents remis par les interviewés, documents officiels, soit gouvernementaux, soit des organismes de coopération et de financement. Notre cadre conceptuel s’est inspiré des trois modèles : celui du changement des politiques publiques de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1999 ; 2009), celui des courants politiques de Kingdon (1984) et le cadre conceptuel proposé par Walt (1994) pour l’analyse du rôle des organisations internationales. Nous avons identifié deux niveaux d’analyse : l’organisation de l’État et le sous-système de santé. Nous avons aussi tenu compte de l’influence des événements externes et des organisations internationales de coopération technique et de financement. Notre démarche vise à observer, à analyser et à comprendre la façon dont ces niveaux influencent la place et la compréhension de la promotion de la santé dans la politique nationale de santé. La perspective temporelle de plus de douze années nous a permis de mener une analyse sur plusieurs années et de mieux comprendre le changement de la politique de santé à différents moments de son histoire ainsi que l’identification des acteurs et des coalitions les plus importants depuis l’origine des champs de la santé publique dans les deux pays. Les résultats de notre analyse montrent que la promotion de la santé – conçue selon une approche structurelle – ne fait pas encore partie du courant principal de la politique nationale de santé dans aucun des deux pays. Cependant, les explications diffèrent : En Argentine, on observe un sous-système de santé fragmenté avec prédominance du modèle médical ; les actions menées renforcent ce fonctionnement en ne permettant pas la discussion à propos des valeurs sous-jacentes à l’organisation du système de santé ni sur son changement en fonction des besoins de santé du pays. Au Brésil, la réforme sanitaire questionne le modèle préexistant et arrive à instaurer la santé comme droit au niveau de l’État. L’accent mis sur l’organisation des services réduit la compréhension de la promotion de la santé à une « politique nationale de promotion de la santé » qui vise le changement des comportements. L’analyse du rôle des organisations internationales montre deux situations différentes dans les deux pays : pour l’Argentine, il existe une dépendance majeure autant à l’agenda qu’au financement de ces organisations. Le manque d’un agenda national en matière de promotion de la santé fait que le pays adopte l’agenda international avec très peu des questionnements. Dans le cas du Brésil, la situation est bien différente et on observe une capacité importante à négocier avec la coopération internationale. Cela se fait aussi avec un intérêt du pays pour l’adoption de l’agenda des organisations internationales dans le but d’une reconnaissance et de sa participation à des instances internationales. Alors, pour des raisons différentes, les deux pays adoptent l’agenda international de la promotion de la santé avec une approche comportementale. À partir de notre recherche, nous considérons que cinq réflexions doivent guider l’analyse de la promotion de la santé en Amérique latine : 1) Les processus de réforme de l’État des années 1990 et ses conséquences actuelles (type de réforme, valeurs sociétales, arrangements constitutionnels) ; 2) Les processus de réforme des systèmes de santé avec un regard sur la composante de décentralisation (réforme sanitaire ou administrative ?, quel modèle prédomine dans le champ de la santé publique ?) ; 3) La revalorisation des soins primaires de santé de la fin des années 1990 (quel impact dans le pays ?) ; 4) La tendance à la réduction des propositions élargies autant des politiques que des programmes ; et 5) Les défis actuels des systèmes de santé (travailler avec d’autres secteurs pour produire de la santé, pour incorporer et pour mieux maîtriser les déterminants sociaux et structuraux de santé). Les résultats de notre analyse nous permettent d’identifier l’importance du rôle du gouvernement national par rapport au développement et à la compréhension de la promotion de la santé. De plus, cette recherche montre que même s’il existe une influence du contexte et de l’idéologie du gouvernement sur la compréhension de la promotion et l’inclusion des déterminants sociaux de santé, c’est l’organisation de l’État avec ces valeurs de base qui sera déterminante dans la création des conditions pour le développement d’une promotion de la santé structurelle. Alors que la littérature sur la promotion de la santé accorde encore très peu de place au rôle du niveau national et de l’État dans son développement, il est clair que ces derniers ont un impact fondamental sur la place de la promotion de la santé dans la politique et sur la façon de la comprendre et de la mettre en place. Les théories utilisées pour cette recherche nous ont aidée à modéliser notre cadre conceptuel et à mener une démarche d’analyse des politiques publiques. Cette démarche permet d’améliorer les connaissances sur le changement de la politique nationale de santé par rapport à la promotion de la santé en tenant compte des dynamiques gouvernementales, champ peu exploré encore. Ce cadre conceptuel, à la fois souple et rigoureux, pourrait s’avérer approprié pour mener d’autres recherches similaires portant sur la place et la compréhension de la promotion de la santé dans les politiques nationales de santé dans d’autres pays de l’Amérique latine. / From the 1980's, the theorization of health promotion and its implementation are part of the agenda of international health organizations and governments. However, from the beginning, there is a tension in its understanding. Indeed, health promotion in general is conceived from a behavioral approach as a strategy for changing individual or group behaviors, with emphasis on risk factors. It is rarely conceived from a structural approach that includes action on the social structural determinants of the societies. This qualitative research, a multiple case study conducted in Argentina and Brazil, aims to analyze the location and the understanding of health promotion in the national health policies of both countries through the analysis of the public policy development process. We aim to distinguish the approaches to health promotion, behavioral or structural, and explain the reasons why is understood in one way or the other. Finally, we try to identify opportunities for a structured approach to health promotion to be adopted in national health policy. The data analyzed come from semi-structured interviews (n = 28) and from the following sources: government websites, documents provided by the interviewees, and official documents from governments, cooperation agencies and funding organizations. Our conceptual framework was inspired by three models: the Model of Policy Change of Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith (1999, 2009), the Multiple Streams Model of policy-making defined by JW Kingdon (1984) and the conceptual framework proposed by Walt (1994) for analyzing the role of international organizations. We identified two levels of analysis: the organization of the State and the subsystem of health. We have also taken into account the influence of external events and of international organizations for technical cooperation and financing. We propose to observe, analyze and understand how these levels influence the place and the understanding of health promotion in national health policy. A time horizon of more than a decade allowed us to conduct a comprehensive analysis and get a better understanding of the health policy change in different historical moments of the countries studied, as well as identifying the most important actors and coalitions in the public health field. The results of our analysis show that health promotion, conceived according to a structural approach, is not yet part of the mainstream of national health policy in any of the two countries. However, the explanations are different; in Argentina we see a fragmented subsystem of health with predominance of the medical model, where the actions taken reinforce this functioning and do not allow for discussion, neither on the values underlying the organization of the health system, nor concerning their change according to the country's health needs. In Brazil, the health care reform of the 1980’s challenged the pre-existing model and achieved instituting health as a right at the State level. By putting emphasis on the organization of health services it reduced the understanding of health promotion to a "National Policy for Health Promotion" aimed at behavioral change. The analysis of the role of international organizations shows different situations in both countries: Argentina has a very strong dependence on both the agenda and the funding of these organizations; the lack of a national agenda on health promotion facilitates the adoption of the international agenda, almost without questioning. In the case of Brazil the situation is different and a strong capacity to negotiate with international cooperation is observable. The interest of this country to adopt the agenda of international organizations has the objective, among others, to gain recognition and participation in international bodies. Thus, for different reasons, we observe that the two countries adopt the international agenda of health promotion from a behavioral approach. In our research, we considered five considerations that should guide the analysis of health promotion in Latin America: 1) The processes of state reform of the 1990’s and the current consequences (type of reform, social values, constitutional arrangements), 2) the reforms of health systems with particular attention to the decentralization component (health or administrative reform?), which model dominates the field of public health?, 3) the revaluation of the APS of the late 1990’s (what impact did it have on the country?), 4) the tendency to reduce both the scope of policy and program proposals and, 5) current challenges facing health systems (collaboration with other sectors to improve health, incorporate and enhance the understanding of social and structural determinants of health). The results of our analysis allow us to identify an important role for the national government in regards to the development and understanding of health promotion. Our research shows that the organization of the State, with its basic values, will be crucial in creating the conditions for developing a structural health promotion, even when there is influence of context and government ideology on the understanding of promotion of health and the inclusion of its social determinants. While the literature on health promotion still dedicates very little attention to the role of national level and State for their development, our research shows that these two levels have a fundamental impact on the place of health promotion in national policy and on how to understand and implement it. The theories used for this research allowed us to build our conceptual framework and carry out a process of public policy analysis. This process improves the knowledge about the change in national health policy with regard to health promotion taking into account the relatively unexplored field of government dynamics. This conceptual framework is both flexible and rigorous, and may be appropriate to carry out similar research on the promotion of health in national health policies of other countries in Latin America.