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African American police officers, as other African Americans, report being subjected to racial profiling by police officers, and that these encounters have, in some cases, resulted in excessive and unjustified use of force. These types of occurrences have resulted in a divide between African American and Caucasian police officers. The purpose of this phenomenological research study was to explore the experiences and perceptions of African American male police officers in the State of New Jersey who feel they have been discriminated against by fellow law enforcement officers. Weber's social relationship theory served as the theoretical framework for this study. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with a snowball sample of 20 participants. Data were coded and analyzed using a modified van Kaam method of analysis. Findings revealed that most participants felt they had been stopped for no reason, and that they were disrespected by fellow officers, even when they revealed they were law enforcement officers. Many times, participants sensed that the disclosure of their status as a police officer was met with increased suspicion. Consistent with social relationship theory, a significant theme was that participants perceived that they were considered by Caucasian officers to be a member of a subgroup, rather than a member of the dominant group. The implications for positive social change include recommendations to law enforcement policymakers and leaders to learn about the detrimental effects of racial profiling on African American male police officers' morale, work ethic, job satisfaction, and personal feelings of worth as well as to focus resources on creating stronger policies against racial profiling and effective training and oversight of police officers.

Este trabalho aborda a interação entre polícia e desigualdade racial. Mais especificamente, diz respeito à reflexão sobre policiamento democrático em sociedades racialmente desiguais. Partindo da verificação da existência de desigualdades raciais no acesso ao direito à vida e à segurança, questiona-se como tal viés racial é produzido e reproduzido. Para este efeito, realiza-se um levantamento da literatura nacional que trata da temática da violência policial e do uso excessivo da força por policiais, observando aqui a emergência e consolidação de pesquisas que tratam a raça como um fator associado à violência policial. Investiga-se a cunhagem do termo filtragem racial, traçando aproximações e distanciamentos em seu uso no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos. No Brasil, verifica-se que as pesquisas sobre a filtragem racial estão voltadas ao tratamento dos dados acessíveis (prisões em flagrante e letalidade policial) e ao campo das representações que orientam a prática do policial e de seu processo de suspeição. Esse segundo tipo de trabalho indica um discurso institucional frouxo no qual a racialização raramente aparece (em geral no intuito de negá-la), além da importância da construção subjetiva do policial para a concretização do tratamento racializado. Assim, o trabalho de campo orientou-se pela indagação: de que maneira a formação proporcionada pela Escola Superior de Soldados da Polícia Militar do estado de São Paulo, no município de São Paulo, influi nas relações raciais dos agentes policiais com os cidadãos? Os resultados confirmam a indicação da literatura de que a instituição se recolhe perante temas de desigualdade racial e discriminação pela polícia, transmitindo categorias abstratas a serem preenchidas pelas representações anteriores e posteriores à formação do suspeito e do bandido. O papel auto-conferido da corporação dispensa sua atribuição educadora em prol de uma assimiladora, em que não há espaço para a reflexão, mas para o condicionamento dos corpos a respostas automatizadas e intuitivas. / This research tackles the interaction between police and racial inequality. More specifically, it dwells on how democratic policing manifests itself in racially unequal societies. After assessing the existence of racial inequalities regarding the access to rights to life and safety, one wonders how this racial bias is produced and reproduced. To this effect, a review of the national literature on police violence and excessive use of force by police is performed. We observe the development and consolidation of researches associating race to police brutality outcomes. We investigate the coinage of the term racial profiling, drawing on similarities and specificities of its use in Brazil and in the United States. In Brazil, we verify that researches on racial profiling focus either on accessible statistical data (regarding arrests by flagrante delicto and police use of lethal force) or social representations that guide police practices and their process of suspicion. The second class of researches indicates an abstract institutional discourse in which racialization scarcely appears (generally in order to deny race) and emphasizes the importance of police agents\' subjective constructions in materializing a race-biased conduct. Thus, our field research was guided by the question: in what ways the training provided by the Superior School of Military Police Soldiers of São Paulo state, in the city of São Paulo, influences race relations between police officers and citizens? The results confirm the literature directions that the institution curtails itself before themes such as racial inequality and racial discrimination by the police. It communicates abstracts categories to be filled with representations previous and post-training of the suspect and the criminal. The self-conferred role of the Military Police dismiss its educational attribute in favor of an assimilationist perspective of knowledge, in which there is no space for reflexive analysis, only for body conditioning to automatic and intuitive responses.

Este trabalho aborda a interação entre polícia e desigualdade racial. Mais especificamente, diz respeito à reflexão sobre policiamento democrático em sociedades racialmente desiguais. Partindo da verificação da existência de desigualdades raciais no acesso ao direito à vida e à segurança, questiona-se como tal viés racial é produzido e reproduzido. Para este efeito, realiza-se um levantamento da literatura nacional que trata da temática da violência policial e do uso excessivo da força por policiais, observando aqui a emergência e consolidação de pesquisas que tratam a raça como um fator associado à violência policial. Investiga-se a cunhagem do termo filtragem racial, traçando aproximações e distanciamentos em seu uso no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos. No Brasil, verifica-se que as pesquisas sobre a filtragem racial estão voltadas ao tratamento dos dados acessíveis (prisões em flagrante e letalidade policial) e ao campo das representações que orientam a prática do policial e de seu processo de suspeição. Esse segundo tipo de trabalho indica um discurso institucional frouxo no qual a racialização raramente aparece (em geral no intuito de negá-la), além da importância da construção subjetiva do policial para a concretização do tratamento racializado. Assim, o trabalho de campo orientou-se pela indagação: de que maneira a formação proporcionada pela Escola Superior de Soldados da Polícia Militar do estado de São Paulo, no município de São Paulo, influi nas relações raciais dos agentes policiais com os cidadãos? Os resultados confirmam a indicação da literatura de que a instituição se recolhe perante temas de desigualdade racial e discriminação pela polícia, transmitindo categorias abstratas a serem preenchidas pelas representações anteriores e posteriores à formação do suspeito e do bandido. O papel auto-conferido da corporação dispensa sua atribuição educadora em prol de uma assimiladora, em que não há espaço para a reflexão, mas para o condicionamento dos corpos a respostas automatizadas e intuitivas. / This research tackles the interaction between police and racial inequality. More specifically, it dwells on how democratic policing manifests itself in racially unequal societies. After assessing the existence of racial inequalities regarding the access to rights to life and safety, one wonders how this racial bias is produced and reproduced. To this effect, a review of the national literature on police violence and excessive use of force by police is performed. We observe the development and consolidation of researches associating race to police brutality outcomes. We investigate the coinage of the term racial profiling, drawing on similarities and specificities of its use in Brazil and in the United States. In Brazil, we verify that researches on racial profiling focus either on accessible statistical data (regarding arrests by flagrante delicto and police use of lethal force) or social representations that guide police practices and their process of suspicion. The second class of researches indicates an abstract institutional discourse in which racialization scarcely appears (generally in order to deny race) and emphasizes the importance of police agents\' subjective constructions in materializing a race-biased conduct. Thus, our field research was guided by the question: in what ways the training provided by the Superior School of Military Police Soldiers of São Paulo state, in the city of São Paulo, influences race relations between police officers and citizens? The results confirm the literature directions that the institution curtails itself before themes such as racial inequality and racial discrimination by the police. It communicates abstracts categories to be filled with representations previous and post-training of the suspect and the criminal. The self-conferred role of the Military Police dismiss its educational attribute in favor of an assimilationist perspective of knowledge, in which there is no space for reflexive analysis, only for body conditioning to automatic and intuitive responses.

Public opinion polls have shown the public lacks confidence in U.S. police to use appropriate amounts of force and treat racial minorities fairly, which undermines police legitimacy and the quality of life of all citizens. Although rules have been shown to positively constrain police uses of force, researchers have not demonstrated the effect of rules on racially influenced policing (RIP). In 2005, the RIP directive which prohibits officers from using race as a factor in taking discretionary actions was promulgated in New Jersey. The purpose of this study was to determine through the theoretical lens of Lipsky's street-level bureaucrat theory the influence of the RIP directive on municipal police officer uses of force upon non-Whites. A quantitative nonexperimental retrospective design was used to examine a stratified, proportionate random sample of 301 use of force reporting forms from municipal police agencies in one New Jersey county for a 5-year period before and after the enactment of the RIP directive. A binomial logistic regression indicated that the RIP directive had no influence on the use of force upon non-Whites. Suspect race did not significantly influence force outcomes. Scholarly implications include producing research based upon existing policy to better help inform evidence-based policymaking. Policy implications include police practitioners and policymakers actively monitoring officer uses of force for racial bias and broadening their examination to other issues affecting the problem of trust. Implications for social change include framing the problem within the public policy paradigm to promote political discourse, evidence-based decision making, and improved civilian oversight of the police, which could strengthen trust and police legitimacy.

This thesis began (in thought) as a response to the killing of Trayvon Martin in 2012 and that of Mike Brown not too long after, and the many victims who succumbed to some form of racial profiling of another before these deaths, in-between, and after. Desmond Cole wrote an article in 2015 that further precipitated the thought into action and the desire to address racial profiling in writing form. In the thesis I take a philosophical approach to racial profiling, and although in the first two chapters I address the ordinary discussions surrounding racial profiling, in the latter two I tackle the problem of moral responsibility which I take to be central. In the first part of the thesis I defend the policy in the case of illegal weapons possession based on Henry Shue’s principle of basic rights, but in the latter part I question this assertion. Even if blacks were shown to commit more of certain crimes or even violent crimes, that does not address the fact that crime arises out of context and in the case of “black crime” out of a racialized context. In the latter part of the thesis I work through the problem of collective and personal moral responsibility, eventually maintaining that not only is reparations just, but for racial profiling to be justified investment must be made into racialized communities with high rates of poverty. This is because collective responsibility must be taken for the societal oppression and discrimination that has partly resulted in high rates of racialized crime. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

There is increasing concern in news media sources regarding police killings of unarmed Black males. However, there is limited research on the portrayal of such incidents in the news and the implications for police-community relations in African- American communities. In order to address this gap, this study analyzed 120 experts’ quotes provided by two of the largest and most respected newspapers in the United States -- the New York Times and USA Today. This research comprised a content analysis of quotes related to the deaths of Eric Garner (Staten Island, New York), Michael Brown (Ferguson, Missouri), and Freddie Gray (Baltimore City, Maryland). A number of factors are discussed: The news organization’s predominate category and specialty of experts selected; whether the experts’ quotes attributed to pro-police or community bias; if the experts’ quotes discussed social or racial inequalities in the cities selected; whether the experts addressed evidence-based strategies necessary to improve police-community relations in the Black community, and whether experts’ quotes discussed solutions to improve police and community relations in the Black community. The findings suggest that the selected national news sources, in the one year following the deaths of each of the unarmed victims, highlighted quotes from state manager, particularly politicians, at a much higher rate than intellectuals. Although revealing a substantial level of procommunity bias, the quotes presented very little regarding evidence-based strategies for improving police-community relations in the Black community and reducing the number of unarmed deaths caused by police. The implications for research on media and crime as well as policing strategies are discussed. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

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