Hierdie studie ondersoek die beroepsgeleenthede vir literatuurgraduandi in postapartheid Suid-Afrika. Die subjekvorming van literatuurstudente en -dosente word ondersoek deur ideologie-kritiese analises van akademiese en politieke diskoers. Uit die analises blyk 'n kloof tussen die wêreld van werk en die akademiese ivoortoring, tussen brood en boeke. Dit blyk dat diskoers uit die beroepswêreld nie die ivoortoring deurdring en die literêr-akademiese diskoers insemineer nie. Die kloof word toegeskryf aan akademiese magsverhoudings wat subjekvorming reguleer, en aan die ideologiese prosesse waarmee literatore gemarginaliseer word in die "regte wêreld". As 'n eerste stap ondersoek die studie die akademie as 'n kerngesin en pas Luce lrigaray se feministiese psigoanalise toe op die verhouding tussen dosente en studente. Die gevolgtrekking is dat literatuurdosente die ekonomiese potensiaal van literatuurgraduandi uitsluit, om so hulle eie subjek nisse as houers van simboliese kapitaal vol te staan. Subjekvorming is 'n beweging vanaf die (akademiese) kerngesin in die wyer wêreld in. Daarom ondersoek die studie in 'n tweede stap hoe literatuurgraduandi se subjekvorming plaasvind in die drie ideologiese staatsapparate (ISA's) van Althusser (ekonomie, onderwys en politiek). Hieruit spruit insigte oor identiteitsvorming in die spanningsvelde tussen kapitalisme, postkolonialisme, neokolonialisasie en globalisasie. Dit blyk dat literatuurgraduandi goed kan vaar in ruwe nuwe ekonomiese terreine soos ontwikkelingswerk, omgewingsonderwys, kennisbestuur en elektroniese joernalistiek. Hulle is egter nie bewus van hierdie beroepsgeleenthede nie, as gevolg van die kloof tussen brood en boeke. Om die kloof te oorbrug, beveel die studie in 'n derde stap aan dat literatuuronderrigdoelstellings eksplisiet vertaal moet word tot beroepsvaardighede. Om literatuurdosente te help om doelstellings te formuleer wat begeerlik is op die arbeidsmark, is 'n interaktiewe rekenaarprogram ontwikkel as deel van die studie. Dit is beskikbaar op die internet by http://www.smartt.co.za/wizz/wizz.htm Literatuurdosente kan die kloof ook oorbrug deur studente te bemagtig deur middel van die dialogiese onderrigmetode, soos ontwikkel deur bevrydinspedagoog Paulo Freire. Verder kan dosente die magsverhoudings van die akademie dekonstrueer en as radikale dosent onderrig bied in dissent en diskursiewe vaardighede. Dissent en diskursiewe vaardighede is ook kosbaar op die arbeidsmark, en aktiveer literatuurdosente en -studente se vryheid en verantwoordelikheid om hulle eie subjek nisse te bepaal en etiese plekke in te neem as kritiese en revolusionêre intellektueles. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Applied Language and Literary Studies))--Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, 2002

There is increasing interest in the use of adjuvant hormonal therapies, which are given after the resection or destruction of all gross disease, in early-stage prostate cancer, as a significant proportion of patients experience progression and/or die from the disease despite undergoing therapy with curative intent. Several retrospective studies suggest that adjuvant hormonal therapy may improve long-term outcome after radical surgery in men with positive lymph nodes, although this approach has yet to be studied in a prospective setting. No studies of adjuvant therapy for patients with extracapsular extension at surgery have been completed, but in an interim analysis of an open controlled trial, adjuvant flutamide significantly improved progression-free survival at 4 years. Three prospective studies in the radiotherapy setting have shown that adjuvant luteinizing hormone-releasing hormone (LH-RH) agonist therapy significantly improves progression-free and/or overall survival. Future studies need to define patient subgroups who will benefit most from adjuvant therapy. The side effects of the different therapeutic options also need to be compared. It is hoped that many of the outstanding questions concerning adjuvant hormonal therapy will be answered by the ongoing Bicalutamide Early Prostate Cancer Programme. / Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.

The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained? The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism. This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.

Purpose: To evaluate the validity of the Gleason score after neoadjuvant hormonal treatment as predictor of diseasespecific mortality after radical prostatectomy. Patients and Methods: A total of 2,880 patients with a complete data set and a mean follow-up of 10.3 years were studied; 425 of them (15%) had a history of hormonal treatment prior to surgery. The cumulative incidence of deaths from prostate cancer was determined by univariate and multivariate competing risk analysis. Cox proportional hazard models for competing risks were used to study combined effects of the variables on prostate cancer-specific mortality. Results: A higher portion of specimens with a history of neoadjuvant hormonal treatment were assigned Gleason scores of 8–10 (28 vs. 17%, p < 0.0001). The mortality curves in the Gleason score strata <8 vs. 8–10 were at large congruent in patients with and without neoadjuvant hormonal treatment. In patients with neoadjuvant hormonal treatment, a Gleason score of 8–10 was an independent predictor of prostate cancer-specific mortality; the hazard ratio was, however, somewhat lower than in patients without neoadjuvant hormonal treatment. Conclusion: This study suggests that the prognostic value of the post-radical prostatectomy Gleason score is not meaningfully jeopardized by heterogeneous neoadjuvant hormonal treatment in a routine clinical setting.

Background: The best technique of radical prostatectomy – open retropubic versus robot-assisted surgery – is a subject of controversy. Patients and Methods: Between January 1st, 2007 and December 31st, 2011, 2,177 men underwent radical prostatectomy at our department. 252 (12%) cases were laparoscopic robot-assisted, the remainder open retropubic procedures. In Germany, certified prostate cancer centers are required to collect urinary tract-related outcome data after radical prostatectomy using the International Consultation of Incontinence Questionnaire Male Lower Urinary Tract Symptoms. The questionnaire data were used to compare both surgical approaches concerning the urinary tractrelated outcome 1, 2 and 3 years postoperatively. Results: Neither the voiding score nor the incontinence score or the bother scale sum differed between the two cohorts at any of the measurement times. Conclusions: Concerning continence recovery, in this series, there were no detectable differences between robot-assisted and open radical prostatectomy.

Background: Factors predicting survival in men with lymph node-positive prostate cancer are still poorly defined. Patients and Methods: 193 prostate cancer patients with histopathologically proven lymph node involvement with a median follow-up of 7.3 years were studied. 94% of patients received immediate hormonal therapy. Kaplan-Meier curves were calculated to evaluate overall survival rates and compared with the log-rank test. Cumulative disease-specific and competing mortality rates were calculated by competing risk analysis and compared with the Pepe-Mori test. Cox proportional hazard models were used to determine the independent significance of predictors of all-cause mortality. Results: Age (70 years or older vs. younger), Gleason score (8–10 vs. 7 or lower) and the number of involved nodes (3 or more vs. 1–2) were identified as independent predictors of all-cause mortality. When patients with 0–1 of these risk factors were compared with those with 2–3 risk factors, all-cause (rates after 10 years 21% vs. 71%, p < 0.0001), disease-specific (12 vs. 37%, p = 0.009) and competing mortality (9 vs. 33%, p = 0.02) differed significantly. Conclusions: Some of the excess mortality in patients with poor-risk lymph node-positive prostate cancer may be attributed to increased competing mortality, possibly caused by an interaction between comorbid diseases and hormonally treated persistent or progressive prostate cancer. / Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.

There is increasing interest in the use of adjuvant hormonal therapies, which are given after the resection or destruction of all gross disease, in early-stage prostate cancer, as a significant proportion of patients experience progression and/or die from the disease despite undergoing therapy with curative intent. Several retrospective studies suggest that adjuvant hormonal therapy may improve long-term outcome after radical surgery in men with positive lymph nodes, although this approach has yet to be studied in a prospective setting. No studies of adjuvant therapy for patients with extracapsular extension at surgery have been completed, but in an interim analysis of an open controlled trial, adjuvant flutamide significantly improved progression-free survival at 4 years. Three prospective studies in the radiotherapy setting have shown that adjuvant luteinizing hormone-releasing hormone (LH-RH) agonist therapy significantly improves progression-free and/or overall survival. Future studies need to define patient subgroups who will benefit most from adjuvant therapy. The side effects of the different therapeutic options also need to be compared. It is hoped that many of the outstanding questions concerning adjuvant hormonal therapy will be answered by the ongoing Bicalutamide Early Prostate Cancer Programme. / Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.

Halogenhaltigen atmosphärischen Spurengasen wird eine Schlüsselrolle bei lokalen, regionalen und globalen Veränderungen der Erdatmosphäre zugesprochen. Die Photolyse dieser Stoffe durch ultraviolette Strahlung der Sonne führt zum Eintrag reaktiver Atome und Radikale in die Atmosphäre. Dies betrifft vor allem den stratosphärischen Ozonabbau, der nach heutigem Kenntnisstand durch Reaktionszyklen katalysiert wird und bei dem die Photolyse halogenhaltiger Spurengase an zentraler Stelle beteiligt ist. Im Rahmen dieser Arbeit wurden primäre Photoprozesse halogenhaltiger atmosphärischer Spurengase in Laborexperimenten charakterisiert. Dabei bestand das Ziel in der Bestimmung von primären Quantenausbeuten und Verzweigungsverhältnissen konkurrierender Photolysekanäle. Hierfür wurde ein neuartiger experimenteller Ansatz genutzt, der die folgenden Komponenten beinhaltet: (a) Photolyse der Spurengase durch gepulste ultraviolette Laserstrahlung unter stoßfreien Bedingungen, (b) Ein-Photon-Ionisation der neutralen Photolyseprodukte mittels durchstimmbarer Vakuum-UV-Strahlung und (c) Identifizierung der gebildeten Photoprodukt-Ionen durch Flugzeit-Massenspektrometrie. Dieser Ansatz ermöglicht die Identifizierung aller gebildeten Photolyseprodukte, die Bestimmung des Anregungszustandes der Photoprodukte durch Ausnutzung von Autoionisationsprozessen und die Bestimmung von Verzweigungsverhältnissen und Quantenausbeuten konkurrierender Photoprozesse.Im einzelnen wurden die atmosphärischen Spurengase Chlormonoxid (ClO) und sein Dimer (Cl2O2), Nitrylchlorid (ClNO2), Brommonoxid (BrO) und Bromnitrat (BrONO2) untersucht. Die Resultate können zur Verfeinerung atmosphärischer Modelle und deren Prognosefähigkeit beitragen. Insbesondere können die Ergebnisse auch einen Beitrag zur zuverlässigen Interpretation von Ergebnissen aus Feldstudien leisten.

Seit der Covid-19-Pandemie lässt sich die Entstehung einer neuen, zahlenmäßig starken, radikal rechten Protestbewegung beobachten. Aus diesem bundesweiten Trend stach Sachsen als Hotspot der Mobilisierungen hinsichtlich Quantität und Radikalität heraus. Der vorliegende Sammelband versucht zum einen, Erklärungsansätze hierfür aufzuzeigen, und hat zum anderen das Ziel, der Erforschung der sächsischen Corona-Proteste und ihrem Hauptakteur, der regionalistisch ausgerichteten, radikal rechten Partei Freie Sachsen, eine Vielzahl weiterer Facetten hinzuzufügen. Die einzelnen Beiträge fokussieren dabei unterschiedliche Aspekte der Mobilisierungen und sollen zum Verständnis der sächsischen Spezifika innerhalb der Corona-Proteste beitragen. Dieser Band versammelt dabei diverse sozialwissenschaftliche Theorie- und Fachtraditionen, die jeweils aus einer spezifischen Perspektive das untersuchte Phänomen beleuchten, um in der Gesamtschau eine Vielzahl neuer Erkenntnisse zu gewinnen. Die Beiträge machen dabei deutlich, dass es sich bei den sächsischen Akteur:innen der Corona-Proteste allgemein und den Freien Sachsen besonders um ernstzunehmende Gegner:innen demokratischer Gesellschaftsordnungen handelt, die in konkreten raumzeitlichen Kontexten entstanden sind und nur aus diesen heraus zu verstehen sind. Damit leisten sie einen wichtigen Beitrag zur theoretisch und empirisch fundierten Analyse radikal rechter Akteur:innen in Sachsen.:1. Freie Sachsen. Eine Einleitung: Böhme/Krell, S. 6 2. Kollektive Sächsische Identität: Kantzenbach, S. 27 3. Sachsen First: Krell, S. 62 4. Zwang zur Freiheit: Böhme, S. 90 5. Vom Vigilantismus zum Rechtsterrorismus: Roth, S. 118 6. Brückenschlag nach rechts außen: Herpertz, S. 148 7. Bautzner Verhältnisse: Bernstein, S. 176 8. Die Stillen Proteste entlang der B96: Schemm, S. 209 9. Die Querfront und der Faschismus: Voigt, S. 236 10. Konservative Politikstrategien in Zeiten autoritärer Zuspitzung: Knauthe, S. 257 11. Immer mitten in die Presse rein: Köhler, S. 285 12. Topoi in der Esoterik: Baumgertel, S. 310 13. Architekturen contra Erinnerung: Thümmler, S. 338 / Since the Covid-19 pandemic, the emergence of a new, numerically strong, radical right-wing protest movement can be observed. The German federal state of Saxony has stood out from this nationwide trend as a hotspot of mobilization in terms of quantity and radicalism. On the one hand, this anthology attempts to provide explanations for this and, on the other, aims to add a number of other facets to the research into the Saxon coronavirus protests and their main protagonist, the regionalist, radical right-wing party Freie Sachsen. The individual contributions focus on different aspects of the mobilizations and are intended to contribute to an understanding of the Saxon specifics within the corona protests. This volume brings together various social science traditions, each of which sheds light on the phenomenon under investigation from a specific perspective in order to gain a multitude of new insights in the overall view. The contributions make it clear that the Saxon actors of the Corona protests in general and the Freie Sachsen in particular are serious opponents of democratic social orders that emerged in specific spatio-temporal contexts and can only be understood from these contexts. They thus make an important contribution to the theoretically and empirically sound analysis of radical right-wing actors in Saxony.:1. Freie Sachsen. Eine Einleitung: Böhme/Krell, S. 6 2. Kollektive Sächsische Identität: Kantzenbach, S. 27 3. Sachsen First: Krell, S. 62 4. Zwang zur Freiheit: Böhme, S. 90 5. Vom Vigilantismus zum Rechtsterrorismus: Roth, S. 118 6. Brückenschlag nach rechts außen: Herpertz, S. 148 7. Bautzner Verhältnisse: Bernstein, S. 176 8. Die Stillen Proteste entlang der B96: Schemm, S. 209 9. Die Querfront und der Faschismus: Voigt, S. 236 10. Konservative Politikstrategien in Zeiten autoritärer Zuspitzung: Knauthe, S. 257 11. Immer mitten in die Presse rein: Köhler, S. 285 12. Topoi in der Esoterik: Baumgertel, S. 310 13. Architekturen contra Erinnerung: Thümmler, S. 338

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