路燈巡修作業的落實與否，影響路燈維護的效率及品質，為能有效提升路燈管理之效能，近來管理階層逐漸重視路燈巡修區域的規劃。然而巡修區域的劃分，多依據主管人員之經驗調派，缺乏系統化、科學化的分析與評估，往往使人力資源無法有效運用，形成勞逸不均的現象，進而影響維護品質，因此如何以科學的方法劃分路燈巡修區域是個重要的課題。 本研究的重點在於針對現行路燈巡修區域劃分之缺點，提出一個新的方法，使各區域管理員巡修時間差達到最小化，以解決現行區域劃分的不合理現象。我們所提出的劃分法，以基因演算法進行演算，並加入禁忌名單改善基因演算法區域搜尋效率不佳的缺點，提升整體的求解速度，同時將路燈維護數量、故障率、維護時間、交通時間、巡修次數等影響因子，納入巡修時間的計算公式中，使劃分後各區的巡修時間差達到最小化。 本研究以台北市政府公園路燈工程管理處的路燈東區分隊為實作對象，在考慮不同的基因演化條件下，分別比較巡修區域劃分前後之變化情況，由實驗結果顯示，我們提出的劃分方法，確實使各區管理員的巡修時間差不超過3%，並且滿足巡修不跨區作業之需求。 / The efficiency and quality of street lights maintenance is influenced by the operation of patrolling and maintaining. In order to raise the working efficiency of maintenance crew, the supervisors pay more attention to region redistricting recently. The formor region districting methods normally base on human experiences without systematic or scientific evaluations, These facts, not only result in human resources wasting and uneven labor allocations, but also affecting the maintenance qualities. Therefore, it is a crucial issue to make region redistricting more scientifically. The key point of this research is to provide a systematic redistricting mechanism to minimize the patrolling time variation for all the districts. Our mechanism is based on genetic algorithm to reduce the patrolling time differences. Tabu search list is used to improve the searching efficiency of general genetic algorithms. Various factors were integrated in our mechanism to minimize the patrolling time variations. These factors include total number of street lights, average failure rate, average maintenance time, traffic delay, patrolling and maintaining frequency, etc. We used districts covered by the East Branch of SET/PSO of Taiepi City Government as the examples in our studies. The experimental results show that, using our mechanism, the patrolling time difference is reduced to 3% and maintenance crews can perform their duty without crossing region boundary.

Le découpage électoral est marqué par le mythe du gerrymandering, ou du « charcutage électoral ». Gouvernements et majorités l’utiliseraient dans l’objectif d’établir une carte électorale favorable par la délimitation de circonscriptions visant produire des gains électoraux. Il serait un outil électoraliste utilisé à des fins partisanes. En France, cette perception prédomine notamment en raison du peu de travaux consacrés au découpage électoral qui est, pourtant, un objet important au sein de la littérature politiste internationale. La thèse propose une étude du découpage des circonscriptions législatives sous la Ve République selon deux axes. Le premier, relatif au processus, interroge le rôle et l’action du gouvernement. Grâce à une analyse pluridisciplinaire, il apparaît que le découpeur est soumis à de fortes contraintes, et que les députés y occupent un rôle majeur. Le second porte sur les conséquences des délimitations. Après l’élaboration d’une méthode permettant d’appréhender l’aspect politique des découpages, l’étude empirique – statistique et cartographique – établit que les circonscriptions sont découpées en fonction des députés – sortants –, avant d’être favorables aux partis politiques, ou à la majorité qui y procède. S’il apparaît également que les changements de délimitations ne produisent pas toujours les effets escomptés, ils disposent de conséquences structurelles qui se vérifient sur la compétition électorale. Sous la Ve République, les découpages électoraux peuvent être qualifiés d’interparlementaires et d’intrapartisans. In fine, ni le processus, ni les conséquences des découpages électoraux ne correspondent à sa représentation cognitive classique. / The myth of the gerrymandering overshadows the redistricting. Governments allegedly use it to draw a favorable electoral map aiming electoral profits. Thus, it is supposed to be an electioneering mechanism used for partisan motives. In France, few studies have been devoted to redistricting which is also an important object within the international political scientist literature. The thesis puts forward a study of the legislative redistricting under the Fifth Republic following two axes. The first one, the analysis of the policy process, questions the role and the actions of the government. Through a multidisciplinary analysis, it appears that the government is strongly constrained and that MPs have a main function. The second one relates to the consequences of redistricting. After developing a method to understand the politics of limits, the empirical study – statistical and cartographic – shows that districts are made according to deputies – incumbents –, before favoring political parties, or the majority making the redistricting. It also appears that if the constituency boundaries are not decisive, they still have structural consequences on the electoral competition. Under the Fifth Republic, redistricting can be described as interparliamentary and intrapartisan. To sum up, neither the redistricting process nor its electoral consequences match the "classic" cognitive representation of the redistricting.

This thesis provides a detailed account of the introduction, use, and repeal of the alternative vote (AV) in British Columbia in the 1950s. It argues that British Columbians, familiar with polarized, two-party politics, were dismissive of majority representation. Conversely, the public expressed a strong preference for local representation during discussions of redistribution. While the Liberal and Conservative Coalition parties introduced AV to keep the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation from forming a government, party members were often stronger proponents of electoral reform than their leaders. Nevertheless, the system was debated in terms of democratic values. This was true of electoral reform debates across Canada, including federal debates on proportional representation. Contrary to histories that focus solely on the 1952 and 1953 AV elections and W.A.C. Bennett and Social Credit, this project traces the origins of the alternative vote in BC from the 1940s forward, including ongoing discussions of the single transferable vote (STV) and a points system. The history of BC’s provincial party system in the twentieth century is included in order to establish how polarized politics affected British Columbians’ attachment to the idea of local representation. This thesis contends that the public’s preference for plurality voting contributed to its dismissal of AV: even those who ranked multiple candidates did not necessarily endorse the system. This project also looks at the alternative vote debates in the 1970s and redistribution commissions in BC, particularly the 1978 Eckardt Commission, in order to better understand British Columbians’ attachment to local representation and first-past-the-post, and their dismissal of a preferential system that encouraged them to rank candidates. Social Credit favoured regional representation over representation by population during the redistribution process, and the theme of local representation has consistently framed discussions of electoral reform in British Columbia, including the 2004 BC Citizens’ Assembly’s STV proposal.

Following the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement - the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral consequences of the Tea Party. Using an original dataset and the American National Election Study, I study the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level by analyzing roll call votes, incumbency, and endorsements, and at the mass level through an examination of congressional districts and constituencies. Findings show that members of the Tea Party Caucus and their Republican House colleagues are largely homogeneous. Exceptions to this include economic final passage votes, legislation receiving presidential support, district lean, census region, and presidential vote in congressional districts. Furthermore, evidence is seen that economic factors in members' districts affected the election of freshmen representatives in 2010, and that district variables strongly influence legislative voting behavior. Finally, discontinuity is discovered between the Tea Party movement at the mass level and the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level.