Piliečių teisėkūros teisė yra vienas esminių principų, kuris turi būti užtikrintas demokratinėje valstybėje. Teisėkūros procese, kuris šiame darbe analizuojama siaurąją prasme suprantamas kaip formalizuota teisės aktų kūrimo procedūra, visuomenės nariai gali dalyvauti nustatytų formų pagrindu – pasinaudodami referendumo, peticijos bei įstatymų leidybos iniciatyvos teise. Įtaką valdžios priimamiems sprendimams piliečiai gali daryti ir per lobistinę veiklą, kuria siekiama atstovaujant atitinkamus interesus paveikti priimamus sprendimus naudinga linkme. Šių formų efektyvus įgyvendinimo užtikrinimas yra vienas svarbiausių demokratiškumo lygmens įvertinimo kriterijų valstybėje. Vertinant teisinio reguliavimo realų veiksmingumą, darbe atskleidžiamas faktinis piliečių teisėkūros teisės realizavimo atitikimas deklaruojamoms normoms ir pagrindinės problemos. / Citizens’ legislative law is one of the fundamental principles, which has to be ensured in the democratic state. In the legislation process, which is analyzed in a narrow sense herein, is seen as a formalized procedure of establishment of legal acts, where the members of the society have the right to participate on the grounds of the established forms – exercising the rights of the referendum, petition, as well as legislation initiative. Citizens can influence the resolutions, passed by the authorities, through the lobbying activities as well, by which it is endeavored, by representing the respective interests, to affect the resolutions passed to advantage. Efficient security of implementation of these forms is one of the key criteria of assessment of the level of democracy in the state. By assessing the practicable efficiency of the legal regulation, an actual conformity of implementation of the citizens’ legislative law to the standards declared as well as main problems are revealed in the project. In Lithuania the rights of the citizens to take part in the legislation are governed in the standard legal acts. Idea of the sovereignty of the nation, established in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, declares that the actual and only source of the state authorities is the people. Established principles, expressed for the will of the representatives thereof, are established in the law, having the highest power of in the country, whereas the particular standards are... [to full text]

This study examined the relationships between core voting bloc movement and success on school referenda elections. Core voting bloc movement was defined as the change in the ratio of voters who voted in contiguous school referenda elections relative to voters who voted in only one election. The research also examined the factors of election timing, campaign strategy, school affiliation, and voter gender, age, and residence.The sample consisted of the majority of all school referenda elections held in a three-county area of west-central Ohio during the period 1988 to 1991. The dependent variable, percent yes vote change, was measured at the precinct level.Findings suggest that the effect of turnout is problematic. The drop off rate of voters when core voting bloc strength is increasing is not a mirror image of the influx rate experienced when core voting bloc strength is diluted. Additional findings suggest that 1) schools will continue to have a difficult time passing school referenda questions, 2) factors influencing core voting bloc movement are similar for females and males, 3) older voters are too heterogeneous in their voting behaviors to be viewed as a single voting bloc, 4) voters who experience a higher incidence of property tax liability tend to oppose school referenda elections, 5) questions placed on the ballot during periods of traditionally large turnout have a higher likelihood of success than those placed during periods of low turnout, 6) low-profile campaign strategies do not increase the likelihood of school referenda election success, and 7) perceptions of school affiliation significantly affect the likelihood of success. This study also found that percent yes vote change was negative for elections held during expansionary times and slightly positive for elections held during recessionary times.None of the factors considered accounted for significant amounts of variance in the dependent variable. / Department of Educational Leadership

Thèse (M.A.)--Université Laval, 2000. / Comprend des réf. bibliogr.

Diante do descontentamento do povo com seus representantes, nota-se a existência de uma possível crise democrática. Percebe-se haver uma falta de identificação entre as leis vigentes e políticas públicas adotadas com as reais necessidades populares o que gera descrença no sistema e nos políticos, levando o povo, cada dia mais, a se afastar das decisões políticas. A máxima democrática de que todo poder emana do povo e deve ser exercido em seu nome, não vem sendo demonstrada no histórico brasileiro, pois, após a eleição, alguns representantes acabam exercendo o poder em benefício próprio, e pior, muitas vezes contra o anseio popular. A Constituição da República de 1988, seguindo tendência democrática atual, buscou contornar o problema prevendo instrumentos que propiciassem a participação popular de forma direta, sem, contudo, alijar a representação. Todavia, mais de vinte anos após a promulgação da Constituição, esses mecanismos têm sido pouco utilizados. Assim, o presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar, em especial, os instrumentos da democracia direta que traduzem a vontade popular manifestada nas urnas, quais sejam: o plebiscito e o referendo. A partir de uma análise histórica da democracia, busca-se entender o porquê da escassez dessas consultas populares, bem como avaliar os meios de que dispõem para conformar o ideal do cidadão às políticas governamentais adotadas por seus representantes. / Over time there has been an increasing schism between elected officials and the electorade, this causing a crisis of our democracy. This schism strengthens the view among citizens that public policy and enacted laws and regulations do not address popular needs. The result is growing disenchantment with politics itself, leading to distrust of political system, government, and, of course, politicians. This leads to the failure of our democratic system, specifically, lack of plebiscite and referendum. The principle that all power emanates from the people and must be exercised on their name has never been a reality in Brazilian history. Although such a concept may be abstract and difficult to implement, the primary reason for the failure of its implementation is the lack of accountability of politicians to their electorate. Instead, what our democratic society has seen, or at least has perceived, is that politicians do not act to address popular needs; rather, politicians act to address special interests for themselves personally and for persons with the ability to influence political decisions. The Constitution, enacted in 1988, sought to address some of these representation failures by providing mechanisms that would encourage, and enable, public participation in a more direct way with their representatives. Almost twenty-five years after the promulgation of the Constitution, it has become obvious that mechanisms have done little to address representation. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and provide a better understanding of why these representative failures occur and to examine certain instruments of direct democracy that better reflect the popular will expressed and polls by electorate.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Neves Sapper_Dissertacao.pdf: 966320 bytes, checksum: e683b6375fc7f2a78eb2db34fa5fb619 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-16 / The present work aimed to identify, with the contribution of discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, the emergence of antagonistic poles of the last referendum held in Venezuela, with the guiding hypothesis of this study to claim that it is possible to put the "Si "was not necessarily in favor of Chavez, the same as the "No" was not made against the president of Venezuela, making plausible the personifying the manifestation of the poles (which is most evident in the formation of the "No"), demonstrations these focused on the significant conditional on each training antagonistic ("Si and "No"). The procediment of this research occurred with the theoretical study of the literature relevant to the subject and subsequent analysis of the speeches constitutional referendum occurred in Venezuela in 2007. / O Presente trabalho teve como objetivo evidenciar, com o aporte da teoria do discurso de Laclau e Mouffe, o surgimento dos pólos antagônicos do último Referendo realizado na Venezuela, sendo a hipótese norteadora do presente trabalho a afirmação de que é possível colocar que o Si não foi, necessariamente, a favor de Chávez, na mesma medida que o No não foi formado contra o presidente da Venezuela, tornando plausível a despersonificação das manifestações dos pólos (sendo esta mais evidente na formação do No ), manifestações estas voltadas para os significantes condicionados a cada formação antagônica ( Si e No ). A procedimentalização da pesquisa se deu com estudo teórico da bibliografia pertinente ao tema e posterior análise dos discursos do Referendo Constitucional ocorrido na Venezuela em 2007.

This study is testing referendums and how democratic they are by studying the pros and cons. To help analysing my pros and cons I am doing a case study on the referendum in Catalonia 2017. The reason why I decided on this case is because it is the second time in a three years that the region is holding a referendum on independence, and to say the result has not been controversial would be equally controversial. To answer my questions What are the pros and cons with referendums? and In which ways are these visible in the referendum in Catalonia 2017? I have done a quick study on democratic theory and the possible ways of participation, the focus being on participatory democracy, in particular referendums. Referendums are a great way of letting the public decide on matters that will affect them. However the public’s lack of knowledge on politics and democracy may effect their ability to make wise decisions. For them to make the wisest decision it is necessary that the politicians educate the public on the alternatives and their consequences. There is no way of saying that a referendum is or isn’t democratic, it all depends on how it is executed.

Práce se zabývá charakteristikou evropského práva jako autonomního právního řádu a zkoumá tu jeho část, která může nabývat ústavní povahy. Dále analyzuje Smlouvu o Ústavě pro Evropu a její možný dopad na evropské právo. Práce se v závěru zabývá budoucím vývojem konstitucionalizace evropského práva.

The aim of this thesis is to answer the question, whether Québec still has a chance to become independent one day? Firt part of the thesis shows theoretical definitions of nationalism, minorities, conflicts and possible solutions. Then there are historical relationships and conflict between anglophone and francophone people. Second part analysis québec´s separatism and his political support. Last part is dedicated to possible economical consequences if Québec separates from Canada.

This thesis analyses the devolution process in Great Britain and pays a special emphasis on the position of Scotland. The first part of the thesis focuses on the theoretical introduction and the historical background of the British-Scottish relations, that explain the current political events. Further, the work provides an analysis of the Scottish political system and its relation towards the British government. The main part of the text focuses on the possible impacts of the independence referendum in September 2014. It characterises the current and future relations of Scotland with the most important international organizations, especially with the European Union and NATO. A complex study of the advantages and disadvantages of the potential independence within the current international context forms a key part of the thesis.

In 2016, the Great Britain became the first Member State to organize a referendum about its membership in the European Union, which led to the decision to leave it. In the much controversial campaign, which led to the vote itself, the media identified three key issues off the Membership debate: the EU economy, immigration to the Great Britain and the position of the country in the world. The media also tent to describe the debate as "filthy". One of the unusual and horrifying factors were death threats to few of the political actors, as well as assassination of the Labour politician Jo Cox. Given the context, out of the three key issues, the immigration became the most controversial one, especially because of the actions of the UKIP party. Their than chairman Nigel Farage was eager to take pictures in front of two billboards they've put up - one of which captured thousands of refugees waiting on the borders, the other one implying more than 1 million Turks could enter the country in the near future. Both of those billboards were put up to stir the fear of the migration in the country. This paper concludes of different approaches to immigration presented by the both political camps - "Leave" and "Remain". Based on the analysis of the transcripts of the eleven televised debates it describes key...