英國於1973年正式加入歐洲統合而成爲歐體會員國，至2016年6月23日公投決定脫歐，身為歐盟第二大經濟國，43年的關係已確定要分手。 歐盟經濟和社會政策的核心總結起來為四大自由-包括商品、資金、人員及服務，因此歐元及申根條約為其支柱，可是自歐債危機、敘利亞難民以及恐怖攻擊後，頓時令這兩大支柱受到挑戰，多種因素讓英國認為與歐盟的統合已經走到「弊大於利」，因此選擇說再見的時候。 本研究循歷史發展探討英國與歐盟間之競合，並以互賴理論，自英國加入歐盟之利益考量，脫歐公投之背景及分析脫歐派與留歐派雙方之立場，就經貿、就業機會、會費預算、歐債危機、移民、邊境管控等面向分析，以及脫歐後對於英國及歐盟之影響。也因歐盟「中央集權化」的趨勢下，英國認為對於法規、財政治理、移民管控自主權的喪失，而以拿回主權為訴求。 自英國決定脫歐後，英國首相梅伊(Theresa Mary May)於今(2017)年也已提出了脫歐計畫白皮書，闡明將完全的脫離歐盟，日後雙方的談判仍是漫長艱難。 從英國脫歐到川普當選都顯示出反全球化思潮、種族民族主義、反對向歐盟等超國家組織讓渡主權，此股風潮正在改變歐美政治，因此期藉由本研究，能初探其原因。 / In 1973, the United Kingdom officially joined European integration and became a member of the European Community. In June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom held a public vote for Brexit and decided to leave the European Union (EU). As the second largest economy in the EU, the United Kingdom is determined to terminate the 43-year relationship with the EU. The EU economic and social policy core contents comprise four basic freedoms, namely, goods, capital, people, and services. Euro and the Schengen Agreement are the two pillars supporting the EU. However, the European debt crisis, Syrian refugees, and terrorist attacks have affected the stability of the two pillars. Various factors cause British people to believe that it is unworthy of continuing European integration because the United Kingdom benefits from the EU at a cost of losing more. This study investigates the history of coopetition between the United Kingdom and the EU and uses interdependence theory to analyse the economic consideration of the United Kingdom to join the EU, the context of the Brexit vote, and the viewpoints of advocates and opposition for remaining in the EU. We also analyse different dimensions, including trade, job opportunity, the EU membership fee, European debt crisis, immigrants, and border control, as well as the effect of Breixt on both the UK itself and the EU. In addition, because of the centralization trend of the EU, the United Kingdom claims to retrieve the losing autonomy of legal regulation, fiscal governance, and immigration control. After the decision of leaving the EU was determined, the UK Prime Minister Theresa Mary May proposed a Brexit White Paper in 2017, declaring that the United Kingdom will leave the EU completely. Long and complicated negotiations between the United Kingdom and the EU are expected. From the Brexit issue to Trump elected as the US president, these events reveal a trend of antiglobalisation, ethnic nationalism, and refusal to yield sovereignty to supranational organisations such as the EU. This trend is changing the politics in the Europe and the United States; thus, the present study is conducted to preliminarily identify the rationale behind this trend.

This thesis deals with transformations of French foreign policy towards Québec and Canada. The first president of the French Fifth Republic, Charles de Gaulle, as well as all his successors together with their administration supported Québec's international ambitions and its desire to be sovereign abroad in the areas that fall within its competence in internal politics according to the Canadian Constitution. This support took place mainly on the platform of Francophonie. In 1995, the presidential candidate at that time, Jacques Chirac, clearly supported sovereingty movement. After the referendum won by the federalists France started to gradually reconcile with the federal government of Canada in various international politics issues such as protection of cultural diversity and multilateralism. France is also worried that in case of Canada's separation, the English speaking rest of the country would get more easily under the influence of the United States of America. France does not intend to admit this scenario. Jacques Chirac during this twelve-year mandate was gradually deepening the cooperation with Ottawa. Nevertheless, Québec remains the privileged partner of France in the fields of culture and education that are key for French foreign policy. Former French president Nicolas Sarkozy was even clearly...

This thesis is based on the historical base, a deep look at the Norwegian referendum results and public opinion development. We concentrated on three research questions and on three related hypotheses studying Norway history, Norwegian politics and the possibilities of Norwegian integration to the European Union. We studied intrastate and also international aspects of this integration process. The Nordic cooperation is very important for this research. This Nordic cooperation provided a platform for alternative economic cooperation and this cooperation is also a special first stage on the way to the EU. We fulfilled the thesis goals, we answered the research questions and we verified all three hypotheses. In conclusion, we think that Norwegian admission to the EU is unreal nowadays because there are non-sufficient economic and non- economic reasons and stimuli for that. Norwegian political parties are not interested in this topic because this topic is very risky. Moreover, Norwegian public opinion is against the full membership in the EU.

The thesis is focused on the Catalan nationalism as the nationalism of the nation without state and its changes during the economic crisis. The objective is to analyse potential impact of the economic crisis to the Catalan nationalism and its changes after 2008, firstly at the level of public opinion, secondly and mainly at the political level in the frame of the analysis of the Catalan political parties in the Catalan parliament after the elections in 2006, 2010 and 2012. The parties are divided according their demands to the central government using the Dandoy's typology. The intensification of the demands for the independence in the Catalan society and its correlation with the worsening economic indicators, as the unemployment, Catalan debt or the changes of GDP, is analysed by the linear regression analysis in the first part of the study. The connection between nationalist questions and the economic crisis is analysed in the second part of the thesis. Three tools of the election campaign in 2006, 2010 and 2012 are used for this analysis - the electoral programmes, the electoral debates and interviews in television and the electoral spots. The conclusion of the thesis is whether the nationalist demands in the Catalan society and of the Catalan political parties increased and if so, whether it is...

Direct democracy in the 21st century: challenges and pitfalls Abstract The thesis deals with the position of direct democracy in the 21st century, what are its advantages and disadvantages and problem areas. Before that, it briefly presents why such strong voices calling for direct democracy have been heard in recent years. The first part of the thesis describes the emergence of representative democracy and how this process was influenced by opinions on direct democracy. Furthermore, the reasons for the existence of representative democracy are outlined and the theory behind it is briefly introduced. In its second part, the thesis discusses, in greater detail, the present of representative democracy, what are its advantages and disadvantages and what problems it faces, which quite possibly threaten its very existence. In this part the thesis is based, among other things, on sociological findings, especially in Czech society. These problems largely explain frequent considerations about the implementation of direct democracy. The third part turns its attention to direct democracy exclusively and describes its history, more precisely, important passages from it. It also describes the theoretical foundations of direct democracy, in which the defense of direct democracy by its promoters is hidden to some extent....

<p>The aim of this inquiry is to investigate which ideals of democracy that three proposals for strengtening the democracy in the European Union consists of and to judge if the desired effects of the proposals are reachable. The method that is used is an analysis of ideas and contents. Theories that are used are deliberative and particiapatory ideals of democracy. The theories are used to investigate if the ideas in the proposals correspond to the ideals of deliberative and participatory democracy. The major result is that the proposals fail to fulfil the ideas of the theories. The reason is that the proposals are lacking ideas of how to make the citizens more aware and active in politics. The point of departure in the proposals is that the European Union will be more democratic if the people are brought in to the politics, but they do not suggest how people should form opinions through communication and become conscious and competent in political issues through participation. It is also likely that the effects of the proposals not are reachable to all the citizens. Only the ones who have an interest in communicating and participating in European politics will be gained by the proposals.</p>

The Master's Thesis "The selected cases of the third Mečiar's government and the bias in news coverage in the Slovak television" analyses a period of the third Mečiar's government on the basis of research focusing on the presence of bias in the news coverage in the Slovak television. This institution, which provides the public service broadcasting, is in general considered as a politicians' tool and during 1994-98 is described as a medium subordinated to the coalition government of that time, or even to a single political party. Due to the previous research dealing with election campaigns in 1998 we decided to focus on two significant events - the kidnapping of Michal Kováč jr. in 1995 and the 1997 referendum, which could present an illustration of the media production during the respected period. Closer characteristics of the socio-political situation with the accent on the selected cases is outlined in the introductory part of the work together with the bias issue and the concept of public service broadcasting. In this work we pay attention to the characteristics of evolution of the Slovak television after 1989 as well, and to a closer description of its functioning and broadcasting in 1994-1998. The final part deals with the very research of bias in the main STV news programme by using the...

Die zweiten "Krobnitzer Gespräche" vom 20. Oktober 2011 gingen der Nachbarschaft von "Deutschen und Polen in Schlesien und Pommern" in der Zeit zwischen dem Ersten Weltkrieg und der NS-Herrschaft nach. Die Beiträge deutscher und polnischer Referenten aus Chemnitz, Rostock, Thorn/Toruń und Krakau/Kraków unterstreichen, dass nur im gemeinsamen Dialog das Verständnis für die Sichtweise des jeweils Anderen wachsen kann.

Le travail de recherche est une étude comparé des pouvoirs de veto (ou contrepouvoirs) que, selon la lettre des Constitutions italienne et française interviennent dans le produit du travail normatif du Pouvoir majoritaire (lois, ordonnances et décrets-loi). Il s’agit, spécifiquement, du referendum, de l’opposition parlementaire, du chef de l’Etat, du Conseil d’Etat et de la justice constitutionnelle. La thèse, après un premier chapitre qui propose une classification originale des contrepouvoirs, utile à les définir et à les encadrer dogmatiquement, se propose d’étudier en profondeur les relations qui les lient les contrepouvoirs entre eux-mêmes et également vis-à-vis du Pouvoir. La méthode utilisée (systématique et comparée) est innovatrice et se base sur une analyse empirique fondée sur des cas exemplaires. / This PhD dissertation consists in a comparative study of veto players (or counter-powers) that, according to Italian and French Constitution, aim at affect the legislative activity of the executive and majoritarian power and of its majority in the Parliament, i.e. laws and decrees-law. They are summarily: the referendum, the opposition parties, the head of the State, the Conseil d’Etat and the constitutional justice. The research, after the initial chapter regarding an innovative classification of veto powers which describes them with a dogmatic approach, explores in depth the existing relations among veto players and their interactions with Power. The methodology is based on an empirical and systematic analysis of some classic case-studies. / Il lavoro di ricerca è uno studio comparato tra Italia e Francia dei contropoteri che, secondo Costituzione, intervengono sul prodotto del lavoro del Potere maggioritario, le leggi e i provvedimenti di rango primario. Si tratta del referendum, l’opposizione parlamentare, il capo dello Stato, il Conseil d’Etat e la giustizia costituzionale. La tesi, dopo un capitolo iniziale dedicato ad una innovativa classificazione dei poteri di veto idonea a inquadrarli dogmaticamente, si propone di indagare in profondità le relazioni che legano fra di loro gli organi di contropotere e come questi interagiscano con il Potere. La metodologia utilizzata è innovativa e si basa su un’analisi empirica basata su casi esemplari e basata sul metodo sistematico.

Text in English / This thesis explores the representation of political conflict in the Zimbabwean press with a specific focus on the The Herald, The Sunday Mail, Daily News and The Standard. The thesis sought to unpack the representation of political conflict in the four selected newspapers and to compare and contrast state-owned and privately-owned press representation of power, succession struggles and factionalism in ZANU PF and opposition MDC. The theory is undergirded by the framing theory and data was analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis. The thesis contends that the representation of political conflict in Zimbabwe was sensational and polarized. With clearly separate agendas, the government controlled press, The Herald and The Sunday Mail; and the privately owned Daily News and The Standard, have drawn upon different framing practices to represent political conflict in Zimbabwe. By selecting to report on a particular issue and silencing another, through choice of certain headlines, and vocabulary employed, they have produced a construction of events in political parties that satisfy their political agendas in an increasingly polarized political environment. The newspapers became associated with diverging political opinions, showing political parties they support. On the one hand, the state-funded media represented ZANU PF in positive light while the opposition, particularly the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was represented negatively, mainly depicting the party as harbouring a regime change agenda. On the other hand, the privately-owned press was critical of the ruling party, ZANU PF and blamed the party for economic problems, corruption, mis-rule, and abuse of human rights. As a result of this partisan representation of political reality by the two press camps, they became directly implicated in the conflicts thereby ceasing to be credible sources of information. This clearly illustrates the enormity of challenges faced by the press in political conflicts in politically polarised environments such as Zimbabwe. The thesis argues that when reporting political conflicts ideological considerations of the press take precedents at the expense of the informational and educational mandate of the press as ethics and professional interests of the press are pushed to the back stage. Contrary to the view that the press is a neutral and impersonal purveyor of information, it is an active participant in the framing of political conflicts and its framing is ideological. The study has broadened the body of knowledge on the framing of political conflicts in polarised political environments. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)