The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Iraqi politics of oil in the period from 20 th century onwards. Within this regard, while &ldquo / rentier state&rdquo / conception is generally put under consideration to understand the state&rsquo / s centrality in political, economic and social spheres of oil &ndash / producing countries, contrary to this conventional approach,this thesis argues that the key to all achievements and all failures of Iraqi state is related to the status of oil in Iraq&rsquo / s engagement with the superpowers and the attractiveness of Iraqi oil for other external actors like international non-state actors and multinational companies. In the first instance, the engagement of Britain and later on, the inclusion of the U.S to the national, regional and international affairs of Iraq are discussed within the boundaries of the aforementioned argument. The role of oil in the creation of the state, in its relations with neighbour countries and in relations conducted with the super powers of the international system is analyzed. Within this context, in the aftermath of the September 11, the U.S&rsquo / s intense desires for regime change in Iraq is analyzed to reveal that the main motivation behind the invasion of Iraq in 2003 is related with the country&rsquo / s vast oil resources. In the similar vein, the developments in the post- invasion period are analyzed to indicate the prevailing prominent role of oil. Eventually, this thesis states that even though changes and continuities occur in the course of time and accordingly divergences and convergences exist in the implementations of the Iraqi state, the issue of guaranteeing the flow of oil at reasonable price has remained in the focal point of the external interventions to Iraq.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JulioRTP_DISSERT.pdf: 2309528 bytes, checksum: 8f1dcfa296adf38fe8a9ba335efaa0a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-08 / In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital / Na crise sist?mica contempor?nea, a pol?tica econ?mica ? direcionada para corrigir as consequ?ncias do funcionamento deste metabolismo, por?m dentro dos limites do capital. Nessa perspectiva, os tomadores de decis?o prop?em pol?ticas comerciais, agr?colas e industriais a fim de garantir condi??es para o crescimento econ?mico. Todavia, tal como numa rua sem sa?da, constata-se a insufici?ncia do Estado em conferir efetividade para o funcionamento de todos os segmentos da economia, sobretudo, em face da limita??o or?ament?ria. Os gestores p?blicos s?o for?ados a buscar recursos externos, retomando o ciclo de submiss?o das pol?ticas aos interesses da banca financeira internacional e de seus representantes, instalados nos chamados organismos multilaterais. O complexo ideol?gico do capital entra em a??o na tentativa de convencer a sociedade que os caminhos tomados pelos governos s?o inevit?veis, e que o capitalismo pode ser ―humanizado‖, mesmo com a constata??o das crescentes desigualdades historicamente causadas pelo irracionalismo do modo de produ??o do capital. Nesse sentido, emergem conceitos que tentam demonstrar a compatibilidade do sistema ?s reais necessidades humanas. Essa ofensiva ideol?gica tem por finalidade legitimar o capital. O chamado Terceiro Setor tem especial destaque junto com o conceito de responsabilidade social das empresas. Cria-se um ambiente pol?tico em que o inexor?vel mistura-se com as novas miragens proporcionadas e muitas vezes financiadas pelo metabolismo do capital, de modo a enquadrar as pessoas neste sistema que se pretende eternizado. Em tal contexto, as elites pol?ticas, e consider?vel fra??o da academia, embarcam em ―ondas de otimismo capitalista‖, enquanto o sociometabolismo do capital expande seus limites hist?ricos, acionando for?as que postergam seu colapso, mas que causam sofrimentos humanos e desgastes ecol?gicos. Guerras s?o disseminadas para fortalecer a mort?fera ind?stria b?lica e a ind?stria automobil?stica; e devasta-se o meio ambiente, do qual depende o sistema do capital. Nesse cen?rio de desmonte, emergem proposi??es em torno de um ―novo pacto social‖ como forma de minimizar os efeitos perversos da din?mica da reprodu??o do capital. A classe empresarial ? convocada para exercer seu protagonismo pela via do discurso que apela para programas de responsabilidade social, para assim intervir de forma direta na chamada ―quest?o social‖. ? justamente neste ponto que se inclui o cerne da presente investiga??o. Embora exista uma consider?vel produ??o acad?mica sobre o fen?meno da Responsabilidade Social e da Cidadania Empresarial, tamb?m existe uma evidente car?ncia dessa abordagem, voltada para o segmento banc?rio no Brasil. A import?ncia do capital rentista na apropria??o crescente de parcelas da riqueza produzida pelo conjunto da sociedade brasileira, justifica uma investiga??o sociol?gica sobre os projetos de Responsabilidade Social no segmento financeiro nacional. Nesse sentido, optou-se por realizar uma abordagem da din?mica da ―Cidadania Empresarial‖ no setor banc?rio, precisamente no Banco do Brasil. Como se trata de uma institui??o-chave, a an?lise dos impactos dessa estrat?gia fetichista da reprodu??o capitalista, permite avaliar as consequ?ncias sociais da legitima??o do capital rentista no Brasil. Nesse cen?rio de profus?o do discurso da Responsabilidade Social, situa-se a progressiva precariza??o do trabalho neste segmento profissional no Brasil. Constata-se um desencontro dram?tico entre o discurso e a pr?tica em virtude do aprofundamento da tend?ncia ? vulnerabilidade das condi??es laborais do trabalhador banc?rio brasileiro, desde os anos de 1990. No caso espec?fico do Banco do Brasil, a primeira iniciativa da institui??o foi se conformar aos postulados da ONU e do Instituto Ethos, objetivando alinhar suas pol?ticas internas a essa nova estrat?gia de domina??o do capital. O prop?sito ? inserir o Banco na esfera ideol?gica da responsabilidade social das empresas, do mesmo modo como ocorreu com seus parceiros da concorr?ncia intercapitalista privada financeira. Com efeito, no ?mbito interno do Banco do Brasil, surge uma pol?tica voltada para adequar seus segmentos funcionais ? doutrina da Responsabilidade Socioempresarial. Os conceitos da doutrina s?o apresentados como algo inexor?vel. N?o h? alternativas. O Banco do Brasil atua num mercado altamente competitivo; no segmento que caracteriza a domin?ncia financeira da acumula??o de capital na atualidade. Por este motivo n?o pode deixar de incorporar os avan?os tecnol?gicos organizacionais. Para seus funcion?rios n?o h? alternativas, a n?o ser adaptar-se ao conjunto de propostas deste novo ide?rio do metabolismo do capital

Since the 1970s, a curious phenomenon has emerged, suggesting that resource rich countries are "cursed" by their resources. Over the last couple of decades, researchers have argued that rentier countries are more likely to have educational underachievement, the Dutch disease, corruption, slower democratization, and conflict. Although current research has proven helpful and productive, some aspects still remain contested in both theoretical and empirical terms. This dissertation aims to fill certain lacunae in this literature. My dissertation examines how ordinary citizens turn into dissidents and then to rebels in rentier states. I build and test an innovative theoretical argument, which focuses on individuals' daily lives, and explains how policies by rentier governments discourage merit-based employment. This, in turn, yields a high level of grievance among segments of the population. I also develop a comprehensive theory that combines macro-level and micro-level explanations of conflict onset in rentier states. Finally, I analyze an important, but previously neglected aspect of civil wars in rentier states: conflict outcomes. I suggest that the existence of abundant natural resources would have a significant impact on conflict outcomes. Accordingly, government victory would be more likely, and negotiated settlement would be less likely in rentier countries compared to non-rentier countries.

No description available.

Before 1950, the United States intervened in large scale counterinsurgencies twice as often and intervened almost exactly as long as interventions after 1950. Yet, U.S. supported states developed before 1950 tended to survive an average thirty years after U.S. withdrawal. In contrast, U.S. supported states after 1950 have tended to survive only three years. The central question of this examination is why did U.S. military counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions before 1950 produce host-nation governments and host nation security forces that tended to endure ten times longer than interventions after 1950? My central argument is that when the U.S. military deeply embeds within and inhabits host-nation institutions (institution inhabiting strategies) then, state longevity improves in the course of counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions. Inversely, when the U.S. military employs strategies of lower embeddedness (institution influencing strategies) then, state longevity decreases in the course of counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions. I compare cases of intervention in tabula rasa or erased governance in the Philippines 1898-1913 and Iraq 2003-2010. The former employed high degrees of embeddedness in both governance and security development and the latter low degrees in both. I also compare cases of intervention in existing governance in Nicaragua 1912-1933 and Vietnam 1964-1972. The former employed a high degree of embeddedness in host-nation security force development and a low degree in host-nation government development while and the latter employed low degrees in both. My research finds a correlation between degree of embeddedness in developing security and governance and state longevity after withdrawal of U.S. forces. The implications for this study are salient today. Where state fragility has progressed to the point where intervention by conventional military force is required to arrest it, institution influencing strategies like Advise and Assist are insufficient. And while trusteeship forms of relation have been largely dismissed since decolonization, the apparent efficaciousness of neo-trusteeships and shared sovereignty relationships in places like Kosovo, East Timor, and Sierra Leone hold out the promise of more effectual strategies for state building in counterinsurgency interventions. / PHD / Before 1950, the United States intervened in large scale counterinsurgencies twice as often and remained just as long as interventions after 1950. Yet, U.S. supported states developed before 1950 tended to survive an average 71.4 years after U.S. withdrawal. In contrast, U.S. supported states after 1950 have tended to survive on average only 3.25 years. The central question of this examination is why did U.S. military counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions before 1950 produce host-nation governments and host nation security forces that tended to endure almost twenty-four times longer than interventions after 1950? My central argument is that when the U.S. military embeds deeply within and inhabits host-nation institutions then, state longevity improves in the course of counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions. Inversely, when the U.S. military employs strategies of lower embeddedness then, state longevity decreases in the course of counterinsurgency (COIN) interventions. I compare cases of intervention in non-existent or erased governance in the Philippines 1898-1913 and Iraq 2003-2010. The former employed high degrees of embeddedness in governance and security development while the latter utilized low degrees in both. I also compare cases of intervention in existing governance in Nicaragua 1927-1933 and Vietnam 1965-1973. The former case employed a high degree of embeddedness in host-nation security force development and a low degree in host-nation government development while and the latter case employed low degrees in both. My research finds a correlation between the degree of embeddedness used in developing security and governance and the duration of state longevity after withdrawal of U.S. forces. The implications for this study are salient today. Where state fragility has progressed to the point where intervention by conventional military force is required to arrest it, institution influencing strategies like Advise and Assist are insufficient. And while trusteeship forms of relation have been largely dismissed since decolonization, the apparent efficaciousness of neo-trusteeships and shared sovereignty relationships in places like Kosovo, East Timor, and Sierra Leone, hold out the promise of more effectual strategies for state building in counterinsurgency interventions.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Par-delà son aspect morphologique, l’accumulation du capital est avant tout une dynamique sociale dans laquelle les configurations que prennent les rapports sociaux jouent un rôle clé. La présente étude a pour but de montrer que dans le contexte particulier d’une économie rentière (type pétrolier, en l’occurrence), la question de la crise du régime rentier d’accumulation peut être appréhendée de façon particulièrement féconde à travers l’analyse de la combinaison des formes institutionnelles considérées comme fondamentales par l’Ecole de la régulation. L’étude se propose, sur la base d’une périodisation des formes institutionnelles, de caractériser successivement dans un premier temps les évolutions qui se sont produites dans les configurations concrètes de chacune des formes institutionnelles qui, ensemble, constituent un mode de régulation. Dans un second temps, il s’agit d’examiner la compatibilité des régulations partielles et leur aptitude à générer et piloter un nouveau régime d’accumulation qui soit en rupture avec le régime rentier. L’étude conclut que, paradoxalement, seule l’implication du politique, et donc de l’Etat, est à même de permettre la définition d’un arrangement institutionnel favorable à l’accomplissement d’une telle rupture. / Beyond its morphological aspect, the capital accumulation is above all a social dynamics in which the configurations that take the social connections play a key role. The objective of the current research study is to show that within a particular context of a rent-oriented economy (oil, in the circumstances), the accumulation issue may be understood in a productive particular way through analyses of the forms of institutional combination, which are considered as fundamental by the Regulation School. Our investigation aims, on the basis of an institutional forms periodization, to characterize successively the evolutions that occurred within concrete configurations of each institutional form, which, together, form a mode of regulation. In a second phase, we examine the compatibility of the partial regulations, and their abilities to generate and command a new accumulation system breaking with the Rent-oriented régime. Our study concludes that, paradoxically, only the politics involvement, so the government, is able to determine an institutional arrangement favorable to accomplish such a break.

Depuis le début des années quatre-vingt, l’économie algérienne a connu un vaste mouvement de restructurations et de réformes. Curieusement, après plus de deux décennies de mise en œuvre de mesures censées ajuster l’économie du pays en la soumettant aux règles de concurrence et de rentabilité, la réalité des performances économiques algériennes demeurent pratiquement inchangée. En effet, mis à part le rétablissement des équilibres macro financiers grâce à l’augmentation des prix internationaux du pétrole, l’économie algérienne demeure loin des dynamiques d’accumulation. Visiblement, ni les contraintes internes, ni les conditionnalités du FMI et ses recommandations, n’ont résisté à la « réalité algérienne ». La présente thèse, qui se veut une contribution à la définition des conditions de succès de la transition économique vers le marché à la lumière de l’expérience algérienne des réformes, pose dans toutes ses dimensions la question des obstacles aux réformes dans les périodes de transition. L’analyse du système politique, de ses contraintes et ses contradictions est le point de départ de toute réflexion sur les problématiques des transitions. Le poids du passé, et son influence déterminante sur le déroulement du passage d’une organisation économique à une autre est, quant à lui, un facteur que nous questionnerons dans cette perspective. / Since the beginning of the 1980s, the Algerian economy has undergone a vast programme of restructuring and reform. Curiously, after three decades of implementing measures designed to bring the economy in line with the rules of competition and profitability, the reality of Algerian economic performance has changed very little. In fact, apart from the recovery of the macrofinancial balance, due to rising international oil prices, the Algerian economy is far from the dynamics of capital accumulation. Clearly, neither internal constraints nor the conditions or recommendations of the IMF have been able to fight against the current of ‘Algerian reality’. In this thesis, I aim to define the conditions for a successful transition to a market economy based on the Algerian experience of reform. I will also consider obstacles to reform in periods of transition. My starting point for reflection on the question of transition will be an analysis of the political system, its constraints and contradictions. My purpose is also to examine the importance of Algeria’s past in terms of its determining influence on the transition from one economic system to another.

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which was adopted in 1979, and the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action have generated global and regional momentum in the advance of equal gender opportunities. This research explores the increased presence of women in higher education and their subsequent entry into the workforce in the United Arab Emirates. The government has attempted to reduce its citizens' dependency on public sector employment and promote opportunities in the private sector. Governmental efforts have included improving the education system, granting women access to education and introducing funding schemes to encourage employment initiatives. Yet, despite these efforts, unemployment across the UAE remains at a high level, with public sector favoured by Emirati nationals. The country's drive to nationalise the labour force reflects the necessity of utilising the capabilities of Emirati nationals, both men and women, to diversify the rentier state economy. Emiratisation is a national government strategy in the United Arab Emirates that aims to reduce the country's reliance on expatriate labour and increase the participation of nationals in the labour market, both in the public and private sectors. The research for this thesis begins by exploring the inadequacy of classical rentier state theory and examining Mathew Gray's theory of late rentierism within the context of the United Arab Emirates. It further builds on the late rentierism model with a particular focus on the role of women, education and youth participation. The methodological approach used in this research is primarily qualitative, including interviews with final year university students, and professionals in the banking sector of both sexes. These groups were chosen to highlight the practical implications of governmental Emiratisation policies aiming to increase job opportunities across the United Arab Emirates. To date, very little research has been conducted on the issues of gender, work life balance policies and new workforce trends in the UAE.

Saudi Arabia, along with other Gulf oil monarchies, represents an original politico- economic system. Huge revenues in the form of oil rent, flowing to the Treasury since the oil boom in the early 70's, have fundamentally changed the socio-economic structure, which was in literature termed the rentier state. The origin, development and description of typical characteristics of rentier state are the main topic of this thesis. The first section discusses the theoretical foundations and approaches to the issue. The second chapter provides a historical background in order to position the study in the context of previous political, economic and ideological development. In an analysis of the formation of state structures, the work deals with the relationships between members of the ruling house of Saud, between the government and social elites, with functioning of clientelist structures and interactions within the bureaucratic apparatus. Based on the study of these relationships the thesis marks out particularities of the Saudi politico-economic system that distinguish it from the classical concept of rentier state model. The main distinctive feature is the diminished autonomous ability of state to regulate the functioning of state institutions and to encourage individual agencies to cooperate actively...