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This thesis examines healthcare provision in the Central African Federation, the late colonial union between the British colonies of Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland (the later independent nations of Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Malawi respectively). Unusually in federal formations, healthcare delivery in the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland became a federal function. "Settler Visions of Health" seeks to explain how the white settler elite reconciled the language of development and multiracial partnership with the underlying values of a settler society. Throughout its short existence, the Federal Health Service maintained a celebratory narrative of success designed to legitimize and justify both the decision to federate health and the Federation’s existence. The takeover of health allowed the federal government to project an image of the Federation as a rapidly developing, progressive nation that had brought significant benefits to the standard of living of African people. The reality was more checkered. The Federal Health Service struggled to live up to its promise of benevolent biopower. It largely perpetuated a colonial legacy that neglected to establish solid foundations of health consisting of sufficient infrastructure, adequate training, and equitable healthcare policies. I argue that the decision to federate health is best understood within a context of settler nation building and that paying attention to the rhetoric and realities of healthcare provision in the Federation illustrates how progressive ideas about access to healthcare and medical careers for African people could serve to maintain a settler colonial order. In addition to maintaining earlier colonial inequities of healthcare provision, federal healthcare policies and practices tended to marginalize health delivery in the northern territories contributing to the fragile health systems that Zambia and Malawi inherited when they attained independence.

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Through a close reading of Tsitsi Dangarembga’s Nervous Conditions, this essay shows the key links between the novel and Frantz Fanon’s major works. In addition to providing a deeper understanding of Dangarembga’s narrative as a whole, it takes into particular consideration the em­bedded criticism of colonialism in the text. The psychological conditions implied by the title play a central role: the essay shows how these conditions relate to the colonial situation and how refusing to consent to subjugation can be understood as radical criticism of colonial, Christian, as well as patriarchal superstructures as well as forming clear opposition to the colonial institution. The analysis is primarily based on Fanon and his comprehension of other theorists. It also draws on the ideas of Homi K. Bhabha, which will provide an additional level of understanding regarding questions about colonial identities in general, and Dangarembga’s characters Tambu, Nyasha, and Babamukuru in particular.

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This history which spans the period 1836 -1995, gives a picture of the Dutch Reformed Church in Zimbabwe which evolved from the missionary endeavour of the mother church in South Africa into an independent autonomous church. It is a story of Dutch (Afrikaner) piety in which the most important components are evangelisation, education and language, the whole of which was, and is still, influenced by the evangelical piety of Andrew Murray. With regard to the education of their children, the Dutch Reformed members believed that Christian education in the mother tongue was the ideal. This world view, together with the Protestant principle, that people should read and interpret Scripture for themselves, resulted in the establishment of three churches in Zimbabwe. Firstly, the Dutch Reformed Church (Synod of Central Africa), that ministers to the Afrikaans and English members of all races. Secondly, the Reformed Church of Zimbabwe that ministers to the Shona people, and thirdly the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (Synod Malawi) that ministers to the migrant workers from Malawi. Of the three components in Dutch piety, evangelisation is regarded by the members as the most important in their missionary endeavour. This is the search for a contextual identity and illustrates how the Afrikaners in Zimbabwe experienced the reality of God in their lives. It is also a description of the interaction of the Dutch Reformed Church in Zimbabwe with the society in which it found itself. This interaction is observed to be of four types, namely, public witness, social upliftment and empowerment, the increase of social strength and the establishment of the community. / Church History

This history which spans the period 1836 -1995, gives a picture of the Dutch Reformed Church in Zimbabwe which evolved from the missionary endeavour of the mother church in South Africa into an independent autonomous church. It is a story of Dutch (Afrikaner) piety in which the most important components are evangelisation, education and language, the whole of which was, and is still, influenced by the evangelical piety of Andrew Murray. With regard to the education of their children, the Dutch Reformed members believed that Christian education in the mother tongue was the ideal. This world view, together with the Protestant principle, that people should read and interpret Scripture for themselves, resulted in the establishment of three churches in Zimbabwe. Firstly, the Dutch Reformed Church (Synod of Central Africa), that ministers to the Afrikaans and English members of all races. Secondly, the Reformed Church of Zimbabwe that ministers to the Shona people, and thirdly the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (Synod Malawi) that ministers to the migrant workers from Malawi. Of the three components in Dutch piety, evangelisation is regarded by the members as the most important in their missionary endeavour. This is the search for a contextual identity and illustrates how the Afrikaners in Zimbabwe experienced the reality of God in their lives. It is also a description of the interaction of the Dutch Reformed Church in Zimbabwe with the society in which it found itself. This interaction is observed to be of four types, namely, public witness, social upliftment and empowerment, the increase of social strength and the establishment of the community. / Church History

PhD (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / No serious study into the contemporary politics of Zimbabwe can ignore the celebrated influence of nationalism and the attendant role of elite leaders as a ‘social force’ in the making of the nation-state of Zimbabwe. This study analyses the role played by nationalism as an instrument for political mobilisation against the white settler regime in Rhodesia by the Zimbabwe African People Union (ZAPU) and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Therefore, of particular importance is the manner in which the evolution and comprehensive analysis of these former liberation movements, in the political history of Zimbabwe have been viewed through the dominant lenses of nationalism. Nationalism can be regarded as the best set of beliefs and the worst set of beliefs. Being an exhilarating force that led to the emergence of these nationalist movements to dismantle white minority rule, nationalism was also the same force that was responsible for dashing the dreams and hopes associated with an independent Zimbabwe. At the centre of this thesis is the argument that there is a fault line in the manner in which nationalism is understood as such it continued to be constructed and contested. In the study, nationalism has been propagated as contending political narratives, and the nationalist elite leaders are presented as a social force that sought to construct the nation-state of Zimbabwe. Thus, the study is particularly interested in a comparative analysis of the competing narratives of nationalism between ZAPU and ZANU between the period of 1977 and 1990. This period is a very important time frame in the turning points on the nationalist political history of Zimbabwe. Firstly, the beginning of this period saw the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe climax because of concerted efforts by both ZAPU and ZANU. Secondly, the conclusion of this period saw the death of ZAPU as an alternative to multi-party democracy within the nationalist sense and the subsequent emergence of a dominant socialist one-party state. Methodologically, a qualitative approach has been employed where the researcher analysed documents. / NRF

My mini-dissertation gives the autobiography of Talent Nyathi, who was born in rural Zimbabwe in 1961. Talent was unwillingly conscripted into the Zimbabwean Liberation Struggle. On her return to Zimbabwe, she has worked tirelessly for the education of her compatriots. Talent's story casts light on subject-formation in conditions of difficulty, suffering and victimization. Doubly oppressed by her race and gender, Talent has nevertheless shown a remarkable capacity for self-empowerment and the empowerment of others. Her story needs to be heard because it will inspire other women and other S/subjects and because it is a corrective to both the notions of a heroic Struggle and the `victim' stereotype of Africa. Together with Talent's autobiography, my mini-dissertation offers extensive notes that situate her life story in the context of contemporary postcolonial, literary and gender theory and further draws out the significance of her individual `history-from-below'. / English Studies / M.A.

Le mouvement initié le 6 mars 1957 par l’indépendance du Ghana de la Grande-Bretagne balaya l’ensemble de l’Afrique australe jusqu’à culminer en 1960 – « année de l’Afrique ». La décolonisation et la résultante émergence d’une troisième voie dans le conflit idéologique entre les Etats-Unis et l’URSS provoqua l’irruption du continent africain sur l’échiquier politique international. Parallèlement, dans le Sud des Etats-Unis, les Noirs luttaient pour obtenir la reconnaissance de leurs droits civiques. Dès lors, les connections entre ce combat et la lutte internationale pour la décolonisation apparurent, échos modernes aux liens déjà tissés plus tôt entre les Afro-Américains et leur continent d’origine. Le changement dans les relations raciales s’accompagna par un regain de conservatisme aussi bien aux Etats-Unis qu’en Afrique subsaharienne. L’élection du républicain Nixon en 1968 faisait écho au maintien de régimes dirigés par la minorité blanche en Afrique du Sud, en Rhodésie et dans l’ensemble de l’Afrique lusophone. C’est dans ce contexte « globalisé », où politiques intérieure et internationale, race et nation commencèrent à fusionner que les relations raciales émergent sur la scène internationale comme enjeu politique. Les Etats-Unis durent faire face à la ségrégation et à la discrimination dans leur propre pays ainsi qu’à la décolonisation à l’étranger. L’émergence des relations raciales en tant qu’enjeu global se posait comme un obstacle aux tentatives américaines de construire une coalition internationale et multiraciale contre le communisme. L’émergence d’un corps politique noir américain à la fin des années 1960 dans ce contexte pose la question des Représentants afro-américains au Congrès et de la politique africaine des Etats-Unis. Se situant dans ce contexte, cette thèse examine le rôle que le Représentant Charles C. Diggs a joué dans les politiques de Washington vis-à-vis de l’Afrique subsaharienne de 1955 à 1980. Représentant démocrate du Michigan, « Mr. Africa » devint le premier Afro-Américain nommé à la Commission des Affaires étrangères de la Chambre basse en 1959. Il présida, sous l’Administration Nixon, la Sous-commission aux Affaires africaines, orchestra la fondation du lobby parlementaire noir, le Congressional Black Caucus, en 1971 et fut l’architecte de TransAfrica – un lobby non-institutionnel visant à sensibiliser les Américains à la situation raciale en Afrique – en 1977. De par sa carrière, ses engagements politiques et sa nature même de Représentant noir, Charles Diggs a incarné une vision transnationaliste des relations raciales. Notre propos vise à analyser le rôle de Diggs dans la reconnaissance nationale de problèmes raciaux globaux à travers sa définition de ces problèmes en des termes transgressant le simple intérêt racial. / The movement which began on 6th March 1957 with Ghanaian independence from Great Britain swept through the rest of southern Africa, culminating in 1960, hailed the ‘Year of Africa’. Decolonization and the resultant emergence of a third way in the ideological conflict between the United States and the USSR led to the sudden appearance of the African continent on the international political stage. At the same time, in the southern United States, blacks fought for recognition of their civil rights. From this point on, contemporary resonances of the links already woven by Afro-Americans with their continent of origin allowed the connections of their combat with the international struggle for decolonization to become apparent. Changes in race relations were accompanied by a rise in conservatism as much in the United States as in sub-Saharan Africa. The election of the Republican Nixon in 1968 was mirrored in the preservation of regimes of minority white rule in South Africa, Rhodesia and the whole of Portuguese speaking Africa.It is in this ‘globalised’ context, in which domestic and international politics, race and nation began to fuse that race relations emerged on the international scene as a political issue. The United States had to confront segregation and discrimination in their own country, as well as decolonization abroad. The emergence of race relations as a global issue acted as an obstacle to American efforts to construct a multiracial international coalition against communism. The emergence of a Black American political body at the end of the 1960s raises, within this context, the question of the status of Afro-American Representatives at Congress and the African politics of the United States as a whole. Rooted in such a context, this thesis examines the role that Representative Charles C. Diggs played in Washington politics in relation to sub-Saharan Africa from 1955 to 1980. Democrat Representative for Michigan, Diggs, later to be known as ‘Mr Africa’, became, in 1959, the first Afro-American appointed to the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the lower house. Under the Nixon administration, he presided over the Subcommittee on Africa, orchestrated the foundation of the black parliamentary lobby the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971, and was the architect in 1977 of TransAfrica, a non-institutional lobby aiming to raise American awareness of the racial situation in Africa. Through his career, his political engagements, and the very fact of being a black Representative, Charles Diggs incarnated a transnationalist vision of race relations. Our intention is to analyze Diggs’ role in the national recognition of global racial problems, through the terms he used to define them, terms which exceeded straightforward racial interest.