The thesis deals with right-wing extremism in the context of democracy. In the first part, democracy, its development and basic values are characterised. The following part describes extremism and its rudimentary typology, historical roots of right-wing extremism and its strategy. The final part focuses on the fight of democracy against extremism. In this part, possible anti-extremist measures are proposed, including critical reflections on the principles of right-wing extremism. Furthermore, a concept of so-called militant democracy is introduced, along with the analysis of its application in the Czech Republic and its critical reflection.

The topic of this thesis is political extremism in France, mainly focused on Front National. In the first part, there is defined term extremism, described its typology and its connection to the political system - political parties and its form at present. The content of the next part is to map historical developments of right-wing extremism in France, roots and its tradition. This thesis is mainly focused on development of Front National - since the formation to the present. The aim of this thesis is to map political extremism in France, mainly The Front National, comparison of the political party's development in the different stages. The focus is put on the comparison of its policy agenda and electors especially in connection to the change of leaders of the Front national during its existence (from Jean-Marie Le Pen to Marine Le Pen). Specialised literature in Czech and French and authentic documents were used for the preparation of this thesis. KEYWORDS extremism, right-wing extremism, political parties, Front National, Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen

Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ‘Left’ and ‘right’ wing political parties alike have embraced ‘green’ politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden’s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level. The conclusions I have drawn in the study have been achieved by analysing official documents and by the comparison between two Swedish municipalities. As a result of my research, I have learned that the political leanings of a party are substantial in determining the goals and works for long-term sustainability at a local level. However, whether the prevailing parties are of the ‘left’ or ‘right’ political orientation does not seem to be of big importance because both ‘wings’ in Sweden are very liberal and have very similar environmental goals.

Departing from the increasing threat that organized hate groups and their manipulative practices pose to contemporary society, this thesis seeks to unravel the workings of digital hate culture and to highlight the potential of civil society-led counter initiatives to combat the spread of hatred online. The research is based on a twofold qualitative content analysis. In a first step, the intended practices of two opposing groups – an organized hate group (Reconquista Germanica) and an organized counter speech group (Reconquista Internet) – are analyzed based on a set of internal strategic communication documents. In a second step, three comment threads on Facebook are examined to illustrate the actualized practices of users spreading hate and users who counter-speak. By drawing on a four-dimensional framework, the analysis thereby considers how practices, discourses, power relations, and the technological affordances of Facebook shape this interplay. With theoretical reference to Mouffe’s (2005) work on the antagonistic nature of the political and today’s post-political Zeitgeist, this thesis ultimately comes to discuss whether such confrontations between exponents of digital hate culture and counter speakers must be understood as irrefutable antagonisms or if productive agonism can be fostered through a mutual understanding of one another as legitimate adversaries.What the analysis evinces is that the discussions carried out between the two opposing camps are highly moralized, resulting in an antagonistic battle between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ that interferes with the possibility for productive agonism. It is further shown that, in this post-political discussion climate, counter speech carries a crucial responsibility to conform to moral values and maintain professional and ethical standards to set itself apart from the harmful practices of digital hate culture. Otherwise, as the analysis indicates, counter efforts are likely to spur on destructive dynamics, further hardening the fronts between opposing positions that characterize today’s increasingly polarized societies.

The aim of the study is to make visible through a qualitative method if and how the program works to educate social workers through for example anti-colonial education. The relevance of the study is shown in the importance of knowledge about social and human rights, ethical perspective and diversity perspective in social work. The intuition for social work at Linnaeus University has the task of helping sociology students to meet the goals in the study plan but: Do students really achieve the education-specific goals? What does the department do to get the students there? What impact does right-wing populism have on the education?

Wie kann "Forschendes Lernen" noch besser in die politikwissenschaftliche Lehre integriert werden? Dieser Frage gingen sechs Lehrende an den sächsischen Universitäten Dresden, Leipzig und Chemnitz im Wintersemester 2015/2016 mit einem gemeinsam entworfenen Projektseminar unter dem Titel "Rechtsextremismus und Zivilgesellschaft" nach. Im Interview berichten die Beteiligten von ihren Konzeptionen und deren Umsetzung.

The Diploma thesis discusses the German political party Alternative für Deutschland and its position in the German political system. The thesis deals with Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) since its establishment in 2013 until spring 2017. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the ideological and programmatic transformation of AfD. AfD was formed as an eurosceptic party just few months before the General Election in 2013. AfD has became the first eurosceptic party in Germany which has attracted substantial electoral support in local, national and European elections. The main motivation of the party was the fight against the eurozone crisis and EU criticism. The AfD's criticism is mainly focused on the EU's fiscal and monetary regime. Frauke Petry has became a new party leader in 2015. In the same year the party has turned its focus to immigration and Islam. New leader Petry has managed to take control of a debate on the position of migration and asylum policy. Under her leadership the party has became an anti-immigration party. She was also trying to enfoce a party line to extend populism, xenophobia and islamophobia. AfD is focused on criticism of migration and asylum policies in EU and Germany. Leadership of Petry was widely seen as heralding a shift of the party to the right. The thesis deals with...

Diplomová práce se zabývá německou politickou stranou Alternative für Deutschland ) od jejího založení v roce 2013 až do jara 2017. Cílem práce je odhalit faktory úspěchu zkoumané strany. Širší teoretický rámec poskytuje podklad pro rozbor okolností vzniku a ožena jako euroskeptická strana. Později se v souvislosti se změnou vedení začala profilovat jako krajně pravicová strana. Práce sleduje ideologický a programový vývoj AfD a volební úspěchy. Práce využívá průzkumy, které poskytly ičích obrázek o tom, jak voliči s Závěrečná část práce analyzuje faktory úspěchu AfD prostřednictvím použití voličského jednání. Faktory úspěchy jsou vysvětleny na základě průniku strany poptávky a

The subject of this diploma thesis is to examine and compare the ideological and programmatic definition of Fidesz and PiS, their development in time and their current actions and policy-making since forming their single-party governments in 2010 in Hungary and 2015 in Poland, respectively. This work also focuses on the development in both countries during the transformation from communism towards democracy, and sets out to answer what preconditions have formed the demand for populist radical right ideology both in Hungary and Poland. Based on the theory of populist radical right framework, this thesis concludes that, in addition to the negative aspects of political and economic transformation, historical narratives and prejudices against minorities by a significant part of the Hungarian and Polish societies have also played a crucial role in creating a climate for demand for the populist radical right. In the third chapter, this thesis finds a high volatility in the ideological development of both parties, especially in regards to Fidesz, and attributes these considerable ideological and programmatic changes in part to reaction of Fidesz and PiS towards changes in the party system in both Hungary and Poland. However, since 2006 the ideology of both parties has become increasingly consistent with...

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