This paper identifies variables that discriminate between participants and non-participants considering electoral and non-electoral dimensions of political participation in Córdoba, Argentina. A study was conducted by survey on a representative sample of the population (N = 450). The discriminant analysis allowed recognizing the contribution of right-wing autho­ ritarianism (RWA), collectivism, political collectivism, political interest and of participatory measure of “political efficacy”, to such differentiation in two dimensions of participation: electoral-campaign and contact with organizations and political figures. These results show the relationship of RWA with different political behavior of party preferences; and verify the relationship of different values and a participatory measure of “political efficacy” with broad participation repertoires. / El presente trabajo identifica variables que discriminan entre las personas que participan y quienes no participan políticamente, considerando dimensiones electorales y no electo­ rales de la participación política en Córdoba, Argentina. Se realizó un estudio por encuesta en una muestra representativa de la población (N=450). El análisis discriminante permitió reconocer el aporte del autoritarismo de derecha (RWA), colectivismo, colectivismo político, interés político y eficacia política participativa, a dicha diferenciación en dos dimensiones de la participación: electoral-de campaña y de contacto con organizaciones y referentes polí­ ticos. Estos resultados evidencian la relación del RWA con otros comportamientos políticos diferenciados de las preferencias partidarias y comprueban la relación de diferentes valores y de una medida participativa de la eficacia política con amplios repertorios participativos. / Este documento identifica as variáveis que discriminam entre os participantes e não par­ ticipantes, considerando dimensões eleitorais e não-eleitorais de participação política em Córdoba, Argentina. Um estudo foi realizado por levantamento de uma amostra represen­ tativa da população (N = 450). A análise discriminante permitiu reconhecer a contribuição de “autoritarismo de direita” (RWA), colectivismo, “coletivismo político”; política e interesse “política participativa eficácia”. Essas variáveis discriminar participantes em duas dimensões de participação: eleitorais - “campanha” e contato com organizações e figuras políticas. Estes resultados mostram a relação de RWA com outro comportamento político diferenciado das preferências partidárias e verificar a relação de valores diferentes e uma medida de eficácia política participativa, com amplos repertórios de participação.

The autumn 2015 represented a critical juncture for Swedish migration politics. Prime Minister Löfven’s government tightened immigration policies in accordance with proposals made since long by the radical right wing party the Sweden Democrats (SD). But did the critical juncture and the following migration policies involve new political strategies against SD, and how have the mainstream parties’ leaders’ perspective on immigration been affected? The analysis is based on systemic functional grammar and scholarly literature concerning perspectives on immigration. Policy proposals, party leaders’ perspectives on immigration and party leaders’ positioning in immigration-related television debates from 2014 and 2017 are compared. The results confirm previous research showing that there was a strong convergence amongst mainstream parties 2014, in migration politics as well as in positioning against SD. In 2017, the migration issue has split up into more detailed issues like family reunification, temporary residence permits and differentiated welfare. The utility perspective on immigration was salient in 2014. In 2017, two new central perspectives on immigration were constructed: the strain perspective and the reversed rights perspective. The study suggests that immigration-related issues has gone from being a forum for distance making between mainstream parties and SD, to be like any other issue – a forum for the usual political dynamics between governing parties and opposition.

The aim of this study is to describe the characteristics of right-wing populist parties in Europe. The three parties included in the study are the Swedish Democrats (SD), the British National Party (BNP) and the National Front (NF) in France. The study includes a definition of right-wing populism based on previous research and from that an ideal type of a right-wing populist party has been created. The material used in the study to verify how well the parties were consistent to the ideal type and what similarities and differences the parties in the study have are the parties’ political programs and policies. The conclusion of the results is that the parties fit the ideal type even if they differ in a few certain aspects. The BNP is the party most similar to the ideal type, followed by the NF and then the SD.

The Sweden Democrats uses a term to describe a situation where “swedes” are being discriminated against by other ethnic groups and where the elite is promoting this. The term “svenskfientlighet” can be translated as “swedofobia” and in this thesis a speech by the party leader Jimmie Åkesson held during the election campaign that solely was dedicated to this term is being analyzed with the help of tools developed by the scholar Ruth Wodak. Ruth Wodak has previously analyzed the rhetoric by other European right-wing-populist parties like FPÖ in Austria and has asked for other researchers to analyze the speech used by right-wing-populist and extremist parties to get a better understanding for just how these parties construct their different enemies. This thesis show how the Sweden Democrats use a term that has been founded by more extreme parties, groups that they themselves claim they do not have much in common with. The rhetoric has though developed in a populist direction where the party members or even leaders put themselves in a position as victims of a widely spread hostility directed towards them, on the sole basis that they stand up for what is Swedish.

In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.

No description available.

This thesis examines and explains how the three Scandinavian populist radical right parties, the Sweden Democrats, the Danish People’s Party and the Progress Party approaches the climate issue in their latest manifesto, and how it has changed over a period of ten years. By means of a content analysis and categorisations of climate scepticism, climate omission and climate measures, this thesis finds explicit evidence of climate scepticism in the Progress Party whereas there is no such evidence for the Sweden Democrats and the Danish People’s Party completely omits the issue. On the other hand, there is evidence of measures to fight climate change in the Progress Party, and the same goes for the Sweden Democrats. However, the only relevant difference when comparing the manifestos over a ten-year period is a decreased usage of statement connected to both climate scepticism and climate action in the Progress Party’s manifestos.

Studiens syfte är att förstå hur nyhetskonsumenter med olika nivå av institutionaliserat kulturellt kapital uppfattar innehållet i traditionella medier, högerpolitiska alternativmedier och högerextrema alternativmedier för att se hur dessatolkningar kan ge upphov till annorlunda sätt att se på en och samma företeelse med skilda vinklingar. Tidigare studier inom fältet har fokuserat på vilka typer av medier nyhetskonsumenter med olika bakgrund konsumerar men inte så mycket på hur innehållet uppfattas. Det är något som denna studie bringar klarhet kring. Studien är en kvalitativ intervjustudie där sex nyhetskonsumenter med olika bakgrund, beroende på utbildning och yrke, fått läsa och svara på frågor om tre olika nyhetsartiklar som behandlar samma händelse, attacken mot Notre-Damekatedralen i Nice den 29 oktober 2020. Intervjuerna har sedan analyserats utifrån encoding/decoding-perspektivet och ett klassteoretiskt perspektiv. Resultatet visar att den allmänna uppfattningen av artiklarna är relativt likartad respondenterna emellan. Resultatet visar även att varken traditionella medier eller alternativa medier uppfattas som objektiva eller trovärdiga. Det klassteoretiska resultatet visar att respondenter med ett högre kulturellt kapital applicerar ett mer kritiskt förhållningssätt genom att i större utsträckning applicera sina egna åsikter på de iakttagelser som görs. / The purpose of this study is to understand how news consumers with different levels of institutionalized cultural capital perceive traditional and right-wing alternative media in order to see how these interpretations may give rise to different ways to view the same phenomenon with different angles. Previous studies within the same field have focused on what types of media news consumers with different backgrounds consume, but not so much how the content is perceived. How the content is perceived is something this study brings clarity to. This is a qualitative interview study where six news consumers with different backgrounds, depending on education and occupation, are asked to read and answer some questions regarding three different news articles. These articles cover the same story, which is the attack against the Notre-Dame cathedral in Nice on October 29th in 2020. The interviews have been analysed through the encoding/decoding-perspective, as well as class theory perspective.   The result showcases that the general perception of the articles is relatively similar between the different respondents. The result also shows that neither the traditional nor the alternative media is perceived as objective or trustworthy. Furthermore, the result from a class theory perspective also shows how respondents with a higher cultural capital applies a more critical approach by applying their own opinions to a greater extent on the observations that are made.

The issue of unaccompanied migrant children (UAM) in the European Union is one of the most acknowledged and one of the most under researched topics. Close to 100,000 minors arrived in Europe in 2015 alone, without parents or guardians. And more than 10,000 disappeared shortly after. These children have been and continue to be under high risk of human trafficking, child labour, sexual and physical abuse, and exploitation of some other kinds. It has been 6 years since the initial crisis, but the statistics are not getting better. Tendency remains as close to 19,000 UAMs have perished in the past 3 years, which accounts to 17 disappearances a day. Despite the European Union's commitment to protect the rights of UAMs, the conditions of these children are dire. In some member states the situation is so much poorer, that basic human rights are violated. This raises the following questions: Q1: Why does the EU struggle to adopt common policies on unaccompanied migrant children? Q2: How does the EU contribute to the disappearance of UAMs? Qualitative and quantitative data, as well as large amount of primary and secondary sources help navigate through the problem of UAMs. Content analysis of European media contributes to the illustration of perceptions towards migration and unaccompanied children. Social...

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.