The Democratic Party which was established in 1970, splitting from the Justice Party will be analyzed within this thesis in terms of its ideological components. In this sense, centre right wing and conservative political parties are taken into account to understand the ideology of the party. The period of the Democratic Party is so sufficient to compare and contrast the ideologies of different parties. The Democratic Party is also critical as the party did not participate into any governments, different from the all parties at that period. So, it will show a centre right wing party&rsquo / s reactions in the absence of patronage routes which is a difference from other members of the centre right wing tradition of the DP and the JP. The absence of the concrete ideological explanations, doctrines which can be observed as an handicap of the centre right wing will be analyzed whether the Democratic Party can overcome or not.

<p>The purpose of this study is to present populism as a political phenomenon and to impose focus on the rightwing populist parties that are active in Scandinavia. This essay begins with a presentation of the three rightwing political parties in Scandinavia. The rightwing populist parties have successfully developed their rhetoric and effectively influenced the political establishment in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The parties that the essay focuses on are the</p><p>Swedish democrats (SD), the Norwegian Progress party (FRP) and the Danish People`s party (DF). These parties are interesting in the sense that they share many opinions and are active in comparable political atmospheres, but also that they use approximately the same rightwing populist rhetoric as a way of exerting leverage on political policy.</p><p>The theoretical segment is constructed on a descriptive historical background of populisms three different phases. It begins with the classic populism then the “dissatisfaction party” and in conclusion, today's rightwing populism. The theoretical segment also addresses populisms ideological foundations and its contents. This includes the country of birth, the people, welfare “chauvinism” on ethnic national grounds, targeted dissatisfaction, criticism against representative democracy, populisms dynamic structure, hostility to foreigners and stranger distrust. The empirical analysis of the political parties is based on seven starting points: basic values, views on peoples worth, most important unit in society, method for social change, political forms of managing, economic organization and utopia. To illustrate these points a comparison between the average parties is done, by examining their respective party agendas.</p><p>The conclusion is drawn that there are few resemblances between the political parties examined; the differences considered are clearly stronger than the resemblances. The</p><p>differences lie mostly in basis values, most important unit in society and political forms of managing. Furthermore are the resemblances only partial. The parties were most similar in</p><p>relation to the family’s position in the society. SD and DF can be said to have similar ideologies while FRP’s ideology differs somewhat. SD and DF can be described as conservative nationalist parties, while FRP is a mixture of neoliberalism and conservatism. After studying each party’s principle agendas it can be established that all three parties utilize</p><p>rightwing rhetoric.</p><p>Keywords: rightwing populist parties, Swedish democrats, Norwegian Progress party and Danish People`s party, theoretical and analytical structure, empirical analysis.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>Title: What TV-glasses do you wear? A study in how party-political people decode the TVshow Scooby Doo (Vilka tv-glasögon har du? En studie i hur partipolitiskt aktiva personer tolkar tv-serien Scooby Doo)</p><p>Number of pages: 47 (54 including enclosures)</p><p>Author: Christopher Landstedt</p><p>Tutor: Amelie Hössjer</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C</p><p>Period: Autumn term 2007</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University.</p><p>Purpose/Aim: The aim of this essay is to make a study in how party-political people, 18-25 years old, both female and male, decode the messages in the TV-show Scooby Doo from 1969. Do they decode the show differently because of their political view, their gender or, and their social background? Is there a pattern in the decoding or is it based on a more individual level?</p><p>Material/Method: A qualitative method containing a total number of 16 individual interviews with young adults, 18-25 years old, half of them female, the other half male, were used. All of the participants are members of political youth parties/organizations, equally divided in left and right wing parties. Scooby Doo was chosen thanks to the lack of political meanings and messages in the show and its objective aura. The respondents got to see a preselected episode from the first season ever of Scooby Doo. After they finished watching the show, the interview took place. The interview contained questions on a deeper lever regardingthe episode. Stuart Hall’s all time classic encoding-decoding theory is used as the main theory with the support from other theories in the same field.</p><p>Main results: The degree of active reading is overall equal among the young adults that participated in the study. Differences can be found in the way they decode the sender’s messages and what values they put into the message. The leftwing respondents tended to decode the show in more oppositional way than the rightwing people who tended to read the messages dominant. There is an exception to every rule, also in this case. To sum it all up in one last sentence it should be said that some people’s personal values shine through, and aremore obvious than others.</p><p>Keywords: encoding-decoding, gender, television, interpretation, Scooby Doo, political view, leftwing and rightwing</p>

Abstract Title: What TV-glasses do you wear? A study in how party-political people decode the TVshow Scooby Doo (Vilka tv-glasögon har du? En studie i hur partipolitiskt aktiva personer tolkar tv-serien Scooby Doo) Number of pages: 47 (54 including enclosures) Author: Christopher Landstedt Tutor: Amelie Hössjer Course: Media and Communication Studies C Period: Autumn term 2007 University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University. Purpose/Aim: The aim of this essay is to make a study in how party-political people, 18-25 years old, both female and male, decode the messages in the TV-show Scooby Doo from 1969. Do they decode the show differently because of their political view, their gender or, and their social background? Is there a pattern in the decoding or is it based on a more individual level? Material/Method: A qualitative method containing a total number of 16 individual interviews with young adults, 18-25 years old, half of them female, the other half male, were used. All of the participants are members of political youth parties/organizations, equally divided in left and right wing parties. Scooby Doo was chosen thanks to the lack of political meanings and messages in the show and its objective aura. The respondents got to see a preselected episode from the first season ever of Scooby Doo. After they finished watching the show, the interview took place. The interview contained questions on a deeper lever regardingthe episode. Stuart Hall’s all time classic encoding-decoding theory is used as the main theory with the support from other theories in the same field. Main results: The degree of active reading is overall equal among the young adults that participated in the study. Differences can be found in the way they decode the sender’s messages and what values they put into the message. The leftwing respondents tended to decode the show in more oppositional way than the rightwing people who tended to read the messages dominant. There is an exception to every rule, also in this case. To sum it all up in one last sentence it should be said that some people’s personal values shine through, and aremore obvious than others. Keywords: encoding-decoding, gender, television, interpretation, Scooby Doo, political view, leftwing and rightwing

This essays purpose is to study whether the political ideologies shift depending on the political level. For this purpose two political parties in Swedish parliament have been qualitative studied in a comparative analysis through the terms of social vision, outlook on mankind and economic organization.This study took its form when the authors found a study of Karlsson och Gilljam (2014), whom did a comparative quantitative study of the parties in parliament, asking the individual politicians in parliament, regions and in municipalities to take a stand on the left- and right scale by answering questions about economic organization, social vision and etc. This study gave a result that showed that the politicians of the municipalities had a more radical ideological view than their colleges in parliament. The hypothesis of this study started in the discussion whether politics in smaller scales, local governments and municipalities results in a shifting in ideology from the national manifest, due to the demands of cooperation with political parties with the opposite ideology in coalitions which is most common in Swedish municipalities in modern politics. This study hopes to add to the results from previous studies by comparing the written politics of the parties.This following study is analyzing the political party manifest from both local government and the national party programme/manifest from two political ideologies perspective, liberalism and socialism in a qualitive method. The two parties chosen for this study are both parties of parliament in Sweden since the election year of 2014 and can be found on different sides of the left- and right scale of political ideologies.The results of this essay show that there was no obvious ideological shift between the national and the local government level, though influences of the ideologies were found in both national and local level. This cannot give the conclusion that the ideological shift does not exist, but it may not show in this study. The ideological shift may occur in the daily politics but not in the political ideas written in the manifest.

The purpose of this study is to present populism as a political phenomenon and to impose focus on the rightwing populist parties that are active in Scandinavia. This essay begins with a presentation of the three rightwing political parties in Scandinavia. The rightwing populist parties have successfully developed their rhetoric and effectively influenced the political establishment in Sweden, Norway and Denmark. The parties that the essay focuses on are the Swedish democrats (SD), the Norwegian Progress party (FRP) and the Danish People`s party (DF). These parties are interesting in the sense that they share many opinions and are active in comparable political atmospheres, but also that they use approximately the same rightwing populist rhetoric as a way of exerting leverage on political policy. The theoretical segment is constructed on a descriptive historical background of populisms three different phases. It begins with the classic populism then the “dissatisfaction party” and in conclusion, today's rightwing populism. The theoretical segment also addresses populisms ideological foundations and its contents. This includes the country of birth, the people, welfare “chauvinism” on ethnic national grounds, targeted dissatisfaction, criticism against representative democracy, populisms dynamic structure, hostility to foreigners and stranger distrust. The empirical analysis of the political parties is based on seven starting points: basic values, views on peoples worth, most important unit in society, method for social change, political forms of managing, economic organization and utopia. To illustrate these points a comparison between the average parties is done, by examining their respective party agendas. The conclusion is drawn that there are few resemblances between the political parties examined; the differences considered are clearly stronger than the resemblances. The differences lie mostly in basis values, most important unit in society and political forms of managing. Furthermore are the resemblances only partial. The parties were most similar in relation to the family’s position in the society. SD and DF can be said to have similar ideologies while FRP’s ideology differs somewhat. SD and DF can be described as conservative nationalist parties, while FRP is a mixture of neoliberalism and conservatism. After studying each party’s principle agendas it can be established that all three parties utilize rightwing rhetoric. Keywords: rightwing populist parties, Swedish democrats, Norwegian Progress party and Danish People`s party, theoretical and analytical structure, empirical analysis.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Emizet Kisangani / The goals of this dissertation are two-fold. First is to investigate and explain the key variables responsible for the process whereby political parties form alliances with or create terrorist organizations. Second is to fill an important gap in the literature by offering a more precise conceptualization of the issues and a different theoretical view. Extant literature argues that institutional structural constraints, such as electoral systems, are more likely to lead political parties to create terrorist organizations. However, this dissertation hypothesizes that regime ideology is also an important factor explaining the creation of terrorist organizations by political parties regardless of structural institutional constraints. This dissertation seeks to illuminate existing fears and concerns about alliances between terrorist groups and political parties in states whose ruling party platform is based on leftist, rightist, centrist, or religious ideology. Using empirical methods, which includes both quantitative and case study approaches, this dissertation intends to show that particular kinds of party ideology is positively correlated with the formation of terrorist organizations even after controlling for institutional structural constraints. The implication of these findings is important for policymakers eager to create stable polities.

Le thème central de cette thèse est constitué par les représentations de l'Altérité dans le discours de l'extrême droite roumaine. Pour plus de précision, ce qui nous intéresse c'est la façon dont sont produites les représentations de l'Autre et quel est leur enjeu politique dans la Roumanie de l'entre les deux guerres, et également, après 1989, dans la nouvelle Roumanie libérée du communisme.C'est une démarche principalement discursive, centrée au premier égard sur une analyse sémantique des discours de l'élite politique et intellectuelle des deux époques, qui se donne de dévoiler les stratégies de manipulation et de mise en altérité (de l'anglais othering) auxquelles sont sujets les différentes catégories d'Autres (les Juifs, les étrangers, les gitans, les minorités sexuelles et religieuses).La méthodologie choisie délimite d'abord les outils et les concepts de chaque discipline et les définit clairement, ainsi que le but auquel ils servent. Par exemple, pour les deux premiers chapitres, l'analyse du discours que nous utilisons est une analyse qualitative, sémantique, qui essaie de rendre compte des façons dont le discours est construit, ainsi que du rôle des tropes et du type des arguments. Pour le dernier chapitre, nous envisageons des explications qui puisent dans des perspectives différentes : de celle de l'histoire ou des sciences politiques à celle de la religion, en passant par celle de l'anthropologie ou de la psychologie.Le but de notre thèse est d'essayer d'expliquer l'évolution de ce processus - du « comment » (les moyens) au « pourquoi » (les raisons) de la mise en altérité, en réorientant la question de départ sur le portrait ou la représentation du Soi, du Nous, des Roumains.Mots clé : Identité, Soi altéré, Roumanie, Altérité discursive, Représentations sociales / Romania has witnessed in the last century the recurrence, in various shapes and on multiple voices, of extreme rightwing tendencies. Covering a wide scale, from the interwar social movements such as The Iron Guard, to the post-communist nationalist parties, it shows, if not an inner attraction, then at least a high frequency of the phenomenon.Following this path, we have decided to analyze the discourse of the extreme rightwing, in order to identify the main characteristics of the portrait of the Other. The evolution of this social representation marks the fluctuation of the Self identification based on internal and external factors. By highlighting the bias ruling over the Othering as process, we hope to enlighten the ways in which the socio-cognitive construction of the difference occurs, through the mirroring of the Self.Consequently, the selection of the methodology tools has been made according to the study material: the first two chapters are built on qualitative discourse analysis that tries to reflect the strategies, the arguments and the images used to create the illustrations of the Other. However, the third chapter shifts to the analysis of the Othering as process, aiming at explaining it from various perspectives: historical, political, religious, anthropological and psychological.The purpose of this analysis would be to account for the reasons and the means behind the Othering as phenomenon, in an attempt to better portray not as much the Others, but the Romanians themselves.

Im Mittelpunkt dieser Arbeit steht die Frage, inwieweit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland mit den Mitteln des Strafrechts auf rechtsextremistisch / fremdenfeindlich motivierte Gewalttaten reagiert werden sollte. Dabei geht es insbesondere um die Untersuchung, ob es einer Neuregelung im Strafrecht bedarf. Nach der Darstellung der kriminalpolitischen Lage wird zunächst ein Blick zurück auf den Umgang der deutschen Justiz mit Gesinnungstätern in der Vergangenheit seit 1945 gerichtet. Im Ergebnis wird festgestellt, dass sich die Justiz nicht zur Bekämpfung politischer Einstellungen oder gesellschaftlicher Skandale eignet. Die Untersuchung der Rechtsprechung bezogen auf fremdenfeindlich / rechtsextremistisch motivierte Gewalttaten seit 1990 bis heute zeigt, dass eine entsprechende Motivation in besonderer Weise, meist strafverschärfend berücksichtigt wird. Das bestehende Strafrecht erfasst diese Taten und bedroht sie mit angemessenen Strafen. Daraus ergibt sich die Frage, ob dennoch aus symbolischen Gründen eine neue strafrechtliche Regelung notwendig ist. In diesem Zusammenhang werden die "hate crime"-Regelungen der USA und einiger ausgewählter europäischer Staaten dargestellt. Diese sind entweder eigenständige Straftatbestände oder - überwiegend - Strafzumessungsregeln. Im Ergebnis wird für das deutsche Strafrecht eine Neuregelung, die einzig im Bereich der Strafzumessung realisierbar wäre, abgelehnt. / This work is focussed on the issue to what extend the penal law should be used against rightwing extremistic and xenophobic motivated crimes in the Federal Republic of Germany. It is investigated, whether a new legal regulation is necessary or not. First the current political situation regarding that crimes is discussed. Afterwards it is shown how certain political convictions have been taken into consideration by judicature in Germany from 1945 to the present. As a result it is found, that judicature is not a proper way to deal with political convictions or social scandals. Investigating the dispensation regarding rightwing extremistic and xenophobic motivated crimes since 1990 one finds that such a motivation leads to a more severe sentencing. Crimes likes that are already covered by the existing penal law and there are reasonable penalties for it. The resulting question is, whether a new regulation in penal law might be necessary for symbolic reasons. The hate crime concepts of the United States of America and some selected european countries are investigated in this context. Either these are separate penal laws or mostly sentencing regulations. It is shown, that only a sentencing regulation might be considered for the german penal law. As the final result, this is refused by the author.