The primary motivation behind this thesis was to examine how illicit drugs represent a multidimensional threat to the security of Pacific island states and the region as a whole. However, this research was presented with significant challenges before it began, which included the illegality of the subject matter, the confidentiality of law enforcement intelligence and the fact that there was a near total absence of academic research and statistics concerning drugs within the region. In order to overcome these challenges, this thesis blends a synthesis of conflict and security literature, reports from international and non-governmental organisations and the concepts of securitisation developed by Barry Buzan, Ole Waever & Jaap de Wilde in Security: A Framework for Analysis (1998). The domestic environment of the states that form the case studies are examined, the negative influences of drugs are presented and the perceptions and responses of the governments are discussed. Furthermore, the comparative aspect of this thesis, where two case studies are drawn from the Caribbean, Jamaica and Haiti, and two from the Pacific, Papua New Guinea and Fiji, ensures a thorough understanding of the complex challenges posed to state security, and provides a window for examining how states with similar characteristic and weaknesses are threatened by drugs. For example, throughout Papua New Guinea, marijuana has facilitated the acquisition of small arms and light weapons by both criminal groups and villages involved in conflict. In Fiji, there is the potential for the trafficking of drugs to destabilise the state by providing support to criminal groups and those currently involved with transnational criminal activities. This thesis concludes that the cultivation, production and trafficking of illicit drugs present an immediate and long-term threat to the Pacific, and that the security architecture for the region must be enhance to combat this formidable threat.

Master of Arts - International Relations / The events of September 11 (9/11) have proved to be the catalyst for the evolution of ‘traditional’ terrorism methodologies into those of a transnational dimension. As a consequence, 9/11 has reshaped the international security community’s perceptions regarding the transnational threat of terrorism. Security analysts have called for a ‘networked’ response as the most effective strategy of defence against global terrorist networks. Hence, efforts to contain the threat of transnational terrorism will be more effective if implemented in conjunction with policies and mechanisms designed to facilitate international counter-terrorism co-operation. Therefore, taking into account the ‘perceived’ intelligence failure of 9/11, intelligence and anti-terrorism law enforcement agencies of governments committed to the ‘war against terrorism’ will need to integrate their intelligence capabilities and establish operational co-ordination on a multilateral level as an effective counter-terrorism mechanism. This research will focus on the multilateral intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism co-ordination mechanisms implemented post-9/11 by governments and International Organisations, such as the UN’s Counter Terrorism Committee and NATO’s invoking of Article 5, to contain and confront transnational terrorism. It is not within the scope of this study to analyse the reasons and ideologies behind 9/11 and modern-day terrorism.

The cementing of ties between South Africa and the Mercosur countries occurred at the time when the Cold War had just ended. Characteristic of the post-Cold War environment is the ascendance of socio-economic issues and the receding importance of military issues. Thus, South Africa’s security relations with Mercosur are rooted in the socio-economic sphere with limited military interaction which is designed to facilitate trade links and deal with potential trans-oceanic criminal activities such as drug-trafficking, arms-smuggling, poaching and sea piracy. This is in stark contrast with the pre-1994 relations between South Africa and the South American states. Given the fact that South Africa was regarded by the international community as a pariah state owing to her unacceptable political system, it was only prudent for South Africa to look for like-minded allies across the South Atlantic Ocean. From the mid-sixties to the early eighties, most South American states were under military rule, thus providing an ideal opportunity for possible allies for South Africa. At that stage, South Africa’s motive for cementing ties with South American states, especially those that eventually formed Mercosur, was not based on a genuine need for mutual protection and complementarity of defence capabilities, but a quest for some semblance of acceptability by the international community. Despite the decreasing importance of military matters in international relations, South Africa still maintains a significant exchange programme with the Mercosur military establishments. While most of the exchanges are for diplomatic purposes, military establishments on both sides of the South Atlantic Ocean conduct regular military exercises on both shores, in co-operation with extra-regional powers such as the US and the UK. These exercises serve the purpose of ensuring interoperability of military equipment (such as operational communication systems) and harmonising national policies and procedures, especially for search-and-rescue operations, but also for ensuring the smooth operation of maritime traffic on the South Atlantic Ocean. Furthermore, there is always a perennial fear that, despite the demise of the Cold War, the South Atlantic region may become a theatre of war in future. This is particularly based on the analysis of possible resource-endowment in Antarctica, which will fuel competition and intensify territorial claims. South Africa and some of the Mercosur countries also have significant interests in Antarctica. / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Oceania is an example of a region where traditional security theory based on historical enmity and competition does not fit. A history of amity and cooperation has evolved through regionalism and the region's pre-eminent organisation, the Pacific Islands Forum (the Forum). In 2004, the Forum was tasked to develop the 'Pacific Plan' (the Plan) to facilitate closer cooperation and deeper integration. Security is one of the four pillars of the Plan. The objective of this thesis is to analyse the institutions of the Forum as facilitators of regional security cooperation. The Forum is reviewed and the idea of a logic of action is introduced. To help explain security in an environment with a history of cooperation, traditional security theory is re-defined. A security environment equation is created as a framework to help analyse the Forum's structures and security mechanisms. The Forum Regional Security Committee is examined closely resulting in suggestions to strengthen the region's security environment.

Despite the well-established consensus within the Swedish parliament regarding the benefits of trade with China while at the same time promoting democracy, an unexpected change arose in June 2023, when a united Swedish parliament adopted a report that identified China as a threat to Swedish interests. Consequently, this thesis seeks to address the research question: Can the Swedish political elite's changed attitude towards China be understood through the theory of ontological security? Employing a framework established in Robert J. Steele's interpretation of the ontological security theory, this thesis aims to understand this shift in attitude through a discourse analysis. By analyzing parliamentary bills, documents, and speeches delivered by the Swedish political elite, the analysis reveals a gradual transformation in the attitudes of Swedish Members of Parliament. This transformation is traced back to the prolonged imprisonment of Gui Minhai and the appointment of a new Chinese ambassador in 2017. The findings suggest that Sweden's altered stance towards China serves the purpose of reinforcing biographical narratives and safeguarding Swedish ontological security. In conclusion, this thesis presents one possible understanding of why Sweden adopted a harsher attitude against China.

The Arctic region is changing. This is an oft-cited statement researcher, policy-makers and the general public say about the Arctic. But who can change the Arctic order? This academic paper is interested in determine Greenland’s role and ‘actorness’ in this changeable region. Adopting an interpretivist approach, I advocate to embrace the narrative turn in IR as a useful move to understand how Greenland, as a sub-state regional entity, can enhance its agency capacity in Arctic affairs. Using phronetical case study, govermentality and narrative analysis as main methodologies, this study decipher how the Arctic governance has changed and been shaped by different narratives and governmental practices. Greenland’s possibilities to exercise more power have been analysed through the lenses of ontological security theory because this theory is intimately related to human agency. However, this theory presents several challenges that must be overcome by doing a revision of the theory. The final results are discusses in a reflexive manner adopting four phronetical value-rational questions that policy-makers should take into account when planning any relevant strategic action, such as Greenland’s visibility and empowerment in Arctic affairs.

In their first meeting of the new millennium the UN Security Council put HIV/AIDS on the agenda as a security issue. This was the first time a non-traditional security issue was discussed in such a forum. Based upon the normative discussions raging within the field of securitization theory, this study seeks to analyse the empirical outcomes that the securitization effort, of putting HIV/AIDS on the Security Council agenda, might have had. While many studies argue the normative points of securitization when it comes to non-traditional security issues, this study turns to an empirical case. Based upon the resolution 1308, following the Security Council’s meeting, UNAIDS was chosen in order to uncover the possible outcomes of the securitization efforts. By using bureaucratic theory to develop a framework for the textual analysis of UNAIDS meeting documents from 1998-2005, this study uncovers undeniable changes to the nature and structure of the organization. The positive results yielded in the analysis of UNAIDS highlight that the use of securitization as a practical policy tool in to advance an issue at hand could well be a way forward with similar areas lacking sufficient attention and/or funding.

This thesis is set out to examine how women in Abkhazia understand their own (in)security and to explore how the participating women understand the prohibition of abortions that is implemented in the breakaway region. Furthermore, the study seeks to, based on the empirical findings, theorize abortion rights as a security issue. The thesis is guided by Feminist Security Theory and previous feminist literature. The data is generated through ten semi-structured interviews with women. Through a thematic analysis the findings from the interviews are categorized into two main themes that are responding to the two first research questions; How do women in Abkhazia understand their (in)security?; How do women understand the prohibition of abortions? The thematic analysis finds that women in Abkhazia understand their (in)security as dependent on four aspects; conflict context; economic insecurity; political representation and participation; structural inequality and gender-based violence. Moreover, it finds that women’s understanding of the abortion prohibition also includes four aspects; economic insecurity; women’s rights; political representation and participation; the nation’s interests. The findings are understood as mirroring and thus this thesis argues that abortion prohibition exacerbates women’s insecurity. Lastly, it suggests that abortion rights should theoretically be understood as a security issue. The study at hand empirically contributes to the existing literature on women’s (in)security narratives and furthermore adds a theoretical contribution on abortion rights as a security issue.

This thesis explores how ontological security shapes Ukrainian memory politics in the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the Russian invasion's effect on ontological security. Despite their interdependence, ontological security and memory politics are seldomly studied together. Ukrainian memory politics, particularly in the post-Soviet era and after the implementation of the 2015 decommunization laws, have attracted European scholarly attention, as the Russo-Ukrainian (Memory) war has impacted Self and Identity on multiple levels. Furthermore, the thesis highlights the role of memory political measures in creating securitized unitary narratives, emphasizing the significance of memory for stability of Self. While unpopular at first, the decommunization laws emerged from the conflict and enhanced ontological security by solidifying a common Identity.

This study concerns the dynamics of Chinese strategic minerals policy and its effects on Zambian copper mining between 2016-2020. The essay employs a complementary—theories congruence analysis using Resource Security Theory, Debt Trap Diplomacy, and the Pollution Haven Hypothesis in order to analyse China’s actions and ascertain their effects on Zambia. The study found that China has a large presence within Zambian copper mining through the use of state-owned enterprises, aiding China in its goal of supplying domestic copper demand, and thus addressing resource security. These state-owned enterprises act within the Belt and Road Initiative framework. China is not using Debt Trap Diplomacy in Zambia, but may be able to in the future. China’s presence is negative for the Zambian environment. The moving of mining from China to Zambia has a positive impact on the Chinese environment.Chinese state-owned enterprises are far less stringent in abiding by environmental laws in Zambia than in China. The study shows that Resource Security Theory and the Pollution Haven Hypothesis hold strong explanatory value for the case of China in Zambian copper mining. Debt Trap Diplomacy proved a weaker theory, as natural resources have not been exchanged for debt write-off.