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This thesis represents an important investigation into the much-neglected period of exile endured by many Royalists as a consequence of the violence and alienation of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms (1639-1651).Drawing from extensive archival research conducted in Britain, Ireland and Europe, this study expands upon existing literature on royalism, British and Irish interaction with Continental Europe and seventeenth-century mentalities more generally in order to illumine the unique issues faced by these exiles. Central to this study are the roles and experiences of the Irish element within Charles II’s exiled court. Recent studies focussed upon the place of Ireland within Europe and the North Atlantic are employed to assess such issues as confessional division, court culture, the impact of memory and the influence of conflicting European ideas upon the survival of the exiles and the course of the restoration cause. A thematic, rather than chronological structure is employed in order to develop these interpretations, allowing for an approach which emphasizes the place of individuals in relation to broader Royalist mentalities. Dominant figures include Murrough O’Brien, Lord Inchiquin (c. 1614-1674), Theobald, Lord Taaffe (d. 1677), John Bramhall (1594-1663), Church of Ireland bishop of Derry, Daniel O’Neill (c. 1612-1664), Father Peter Talbot (SJ) (c. 1618/20 – 1680) and James Butler, marquis of Ormond (1610-1688). Through investigation of Irish strands of royalism and the wider issues in which they were set in the course of civil war and exile, this thesis makes a powerful argument for the need to consider seventeenth-century ideas of allegiance and identity not only within a ‘Three Kingdoms’ approach, but Europe more generally. It also makes a compelling case for the centrality of Irish Royalists in the formation and implementation of policy during the exile period through their familiarity with and access to European centres of power and influence.

This thesis examines the Jesuit and Ignatian influence on the works of Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (1595-1658), who was a prolific and widely published author and a member of the Society of Jesus in Spain. He wrote several works across different literary genres both in Spanish and Latin, but was best known for his popular works in Spanish: two miscellanies of natural philosophy, Curiosa filosofía (1630) and Oculta filosofía (1633); a catechism, the Práctica del catecismo romano (1640); his ascetical treatises, especially De la diferencia entre lo temporal y eterno (1640); and his ‘advice-books’ to princes and nobles, most notably Causa y remedio de los males públicos (1642). As a member of the Jesuit Order, Nieremberg wrote these works with the intention to ‘save souls’, this being the main apostolic goal of the Society. While they provide people with knowledge (‘noticia’) – whether doctrinal, natural, spiritual, or political – these works teach readers to view human existence according to its true end: God’s will of salvation. All things of the temporal world are portrayed as a means to that end. In order to accomplish this goal, Nieremberg incorporates elements from Loyola’s Ejercicios espirituales (1548), the spiritual foundation of the Jesuit Order, and develops a rhetorical strategy which encourages readers to discern the will of God in the world they inhabit. He also develops this rhetoric according to some of the principal literary and artistic conventions of the seventeenth century, and provides an important example of how a prominent Jesuit writer came to express the apostolic and spiritual principles of his Order, but in the language and imagery of Spain’s Siglo de Oro.

In using the doctrine of the Incarnation as a lens to approach the devotional poetry of seventeenth-century Britain, ‘“And the Word was made flesh”: The Problem of the Incarnation in Seventeenth-Century Devotional Poetry' finds this central doctrine of Christianity to be a destabilising force in the religious controversies of the day. The fact that Roman Catholics, the Church of England, and Puritans all hold to the same belief in the Incarnation means that there is a central point of orthodoxy which allows poets from differing sects of Christianity to write devotional verse that is equally relevant for all churches. This creates a situation in which the more the writer focuses on the incarnate Jesus, the less ecclesiastically distinct their writings become and the more aware the reader is of how difficult it is to categorise poets by the sects of the day. The introduction historicises the doctrine of the Incarnation in Early Modern Europe through presenting statements of belief for the doctrine from reformers such as Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Huldryk Zwingli in addition to the Roman Catholic decrees of the Council of Trent and the Church of England's ‘39 Articles'. Additionally, there is a further focus on the Church of England provided through considering the writings of Richard Hooker and Lancelot Andrewes amongst others. In the ensuing chapters, the devotional poetry of John Donne, Aemilia Lanyer, George Herbert, Robert Herrick, and Richard Crashaw is discussed in regards to its use of the Incarnation and incarnational imagery in orthodox though diverse manners. Their use of words to appropriate the Word, and their embrace of the flesh as they approach the divine shows the elastic and problematic nature of a religion founded upon God becoming human and the mystery that the Church allows it to remain.

Il romanzo latino Argenis di John Barclay, pubblicato a Parigi nel 1621, è stato uno dei libri più amati della sua epoca. La ragione del plauso dei lettori sarà da ricercare nella complessa macchina narrativa ideata dall'autore, unione di narrazione, storia, evocata in forma di allegoria, e magistero politico; in questo nuovo modello di scrittura è stato riconosciuto l'atto fondativo del genere cosidetto del "roman à clef" ("romanzo a chiave" in italiano). La ricerca propone un rigoroso studio dell'opera e mira alla definizione del giudizio su di essa espresso dai letterati italiani nel corso del Seicento. La tesi si sofferma in seguito sull'influenza esercitata dall'Argenis sul romanzo italiano. Attenzioni preliminari vengono così dedicate alle alterne fortune godute, nelle scritture di ambientazione fantastica, da alcune caratterizzanti scelte narrative del modello latino. Vengono quindi studiati i "romanzi a chiave" per delineare le declinazioni peculiari del genere in Italia, ponendo particolare attenzione alle forme e finalità di impiego della storia e ai nuovi indirizzi della materia politica. Gli autori di "romanzi a chiave" studiati sono: Francesco Agricoletti, Ciro Anselmi, Francesco Belli, Guidubaldo Benamati, Giovanni Francesco Biondi, Girolamo Brusoni, Niccolò Maria Corbelli, Carlo de' Dottori, Giovanni Francesco Loredano e Ferrante Pallavicino / John Barclay's Argenis, a latin novel published in Paris in 1621, is one of the best sellers of its time. The reason for success is to be found in the complex narrative system conceived by the author, union of narration, history, recalled in the form of an allegory, and political thought; the foundative act of the so-called genre of the "roman à clef" ("novel with a key") is recognized in this new model of writing. The research aims at studying Barclay's novel and try to define its value in the opinion of the italian men of letters. The thesis focuses also on the influence of the Argenis on the seventeenth century italian novel. Preliminary attentions are dedicated to the variable success met by some characterizing narrative choices of the latin model within the fantasy setting novels. The italian "romans à clef" are examinated to determine the features of the genre in Italy, studying the forms and the finality of the use of history and the rethinkings imposed to the political argument. The authors examinated are: Francesco Agricoletti, Ciro Anselmi, Francesco Belli, Guidubaldo Benamati, Giovanni Francesco Biondi, Girolamo Brusoni, Niccolò Maria Corbelli, Carlo de' Dottori, Giovanni Francesco Loredano e Ferrante Pallavicino.

Dans la France de l’Ancien Régime, si les représentations de la condition féminine légitiment les valeurs d’une traditionnelle phallocratie, on note néanmoins que le dogme chrétien accorde aux femmes une place dans l’économie du salut. Dans un contexte de Contre-Réforme, celle-ci déterminera notamment, sur le plan socio-littéraire, les modalités de l’expérience mystique et de l’héroïsme au féminin : l’éthique chrétienne érige paradoxalement en modèle des figures féminines qui transcendent leur humanité dans le sacrifice et la mort. Mais au XVIIe siècle, l’évolution des notions d’abnégation et d’amour-propre éradique ce triomphe éphémère. En nous intéressant plus particulièrement aux remaniements de l’hypotexte euripidien dans l’Iphygenie de Rotrou (1640) et dans l’Iphigénie de Racine (1674), nous verrons comment les deux pièces traduisent ce déclin. Au premier chapitre de notre mémoire, nous nous intéresserons à l’espace de liberté que le discours chrétien confère aux femmes à travers le culte de la virginité et l’hypothétique transfiguration des corps célestes. Réintégrant ces données théologiques, la mystique marque l’essor d’un charisme féminin que la notion d’amour-propre déconstruira à l’ère classique. Dans un second chapitre, nous explorerons les développements de l’éthique héroïque qui ont servi à l’essor d’un héroïsme au féminin. Le troisième chapitre portera enfin sur l’échec d’une héroïne mythique qui, mettant à profit le dogme chrétien, menace dangereusement l’équilibre d’un ordre patriarcal. La critique littéraire convient généralement de l’irréfutable vertu de l’héroïne de Rotrou et de Racine. Au terme de notre analyse, nous entendons démontrer qu’Iphigénie est, a contrario, tragiquement reconnue coupable d’amour-propre par les deux dramaturges. / In the French Ancien Régime, the representations of the condition of women justify the values of male chauvinism. Nevertheless, in its economy of Salvation, Christianity gives women an important place. In the social context of Counter-Reformation, this situation defines the terms of a mystical experience of God exemplified, in literature, by a model of feminine heroism, as Christian ethics set up a feminine figure transcending her human condition through sacrifice and death. In the seventeenth century, however, the concept of abnegation and pride eradicates the short-lasting triumph of feminine heroism. Through Rotrou and Racine’s theatrical reorganization of Euripides’ Iphigenia in Aulis, we will see how both authors convey its end. In our first chapter, we will consider the space defered to women by Christianity through the cult of virginity and the transfiguration of celestial bodies. Reinstating these theological data, the mystics will mark the rise of a feminine charisma which will be deconstructed by the notion of pride in the late seventeenth century. In the second chapter, we will see how the development of heroism favours the expansion of a feminine heroic figure. In the last chapter we will analyse the failure of a mythical heroine who, by taking advantage of the Christian dogma, dangerously compromises the patriarcal order. While critics often assert the truthfull virtue of Iphigenia in Rotrou and Racine’s plays, we will intend to prove that she is, on the contrary, tragically convicted of pride by both authors.

Le De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ a toujours été présenté comme un texte rédigé par le jésuite Joseph de Jouvency. Pourtant, une étude plus approfondie montre que certains éléments ne peuvent provenir ni d'un religieux, ni du XVIIIe siècle. On aurait plutôt à faire avec un auteur laïc du début du XVIIe siècle, qui a des informations de première main, puisqu'il est lui-même à Québec. Ce qui en fait un document précieux et un témoin privilégié de l’histoire du début de la Nouvelle-France, bien que traduit et retravaillé par des Jésuites. Jouvency, en l'insérant dans les Historiæ Societatis Jesu, l'a en effet censuré et a ajouté quelques passages au texte original. Quelle est l'opinion du véritable auteur, ce Français vivant à Québec, sur les « Barbares de Nouvelle-France » qu'il rencontre? Une étude du texte montre qu'il dépeint à la fois les bonnes et les mauvaises coutumes des tribus autochtones, nous renseignant ainsi sur l'état des indigènes peu après l'arrivée des premiers véritables colons de la Nouvelle-France. Une traduction française accompagne l'analyse du texte. / De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ is studied as if it has been written by Jesuit Father Joseph de Jouvency. That being said, a more thorough research indicates that this text does not originate from such a pious man, nor from someone that lived during the eighteenth century. Indeed, the real author behind this text would more likely be a French who is laic and lived in Quebec city during the early seventeenth century. This revelation makes the document unique, despite the Jesuit’s adaptation both in language and content. For instance, Father Jouvency, the editor of the De regione who inserted it in the Historiae Societatis Jesu, censured and added some informations to the original text. It now becomes crucial to investigate the real opinion of the French Canadian author about these ‘‘Savages’’ that he met ? Our study shows that he described both good and bad native Americans customs, unveiling their life just after the arrival of the first French settlers in Quebec city. A French translation of the latin text also accompanies our analysis.