En 1647, dans ses Remarques sur la langue française, Vaugelas oppose « la richesse et la beauté » de la langue française aux « langues pauvres » où les équivoques « abondent ». Au XVIIe siècle en France, l’écriture familière est une pratique de la langue propre à l’espace particulier qui assume délibérément une pauvreté de langage et son équivocité. Quels enjeux les contemporains attachent-ils à ce qui est, non pas un style, mais, comme l’exprime Dominique Bouhours, un état « immature » de la langue ?Dans une première partie (chap. 1 et 2), nous nous attachons au principal modèle de l’écriture familière qui organise la discussion au XVIIe siècle : le sermo (cicéronien ou augustinien). Nous mettons alors au jour une fiction politique sous la théorisation de l’écriture familière : ce qui est en jeu dans le sermo, c’est le passage du langage des communautés primitives, langage considéré comme simple mesure affective des relations humaines à un langage différencié propre aux sociétés avancées et fondé sur la représentation et le partage du sens.Notre seconde partie (chap. 3-6) explore les bouleversements que l’autonomisation progressive de l’espace privé provoque dans la compréhension de l’écriture familière au XVIIe siècle. Aux yeux des contemporains, les usages familiers de la langue constituent à la fois une opportunité favorisant le sentiment du commun et une menace sur les ambitions civiles qui y sont attachées.Les traités sur la conversation essaient d’en limiter les dangers ; les textes libertins en exacerbent les pouvoirs de césure.Notre dernière partie (chap. 7) se consacre au théâtre de Molière. A la suite des réajustements apportés aux notions de style et de représentation par notre exploration de la théorisation classico-baroque de l’écriture familière, comment interpréter le langage comique moliéresque ?Quelles conséquences sur notre compréhension du ridicule ? / In Seventeenth-Century France, familiar writing was a language practice unique to the particular space that intentionally assumed a poverty of form and multiplicity of meanings. What issues did 17th century contemporaries see at stake in what is not a “style”, but as described by Dominique Bouhours, an “immature” state of language? In the first part (chapters 1 & 2), we will focus on the principal model of familiar writing that centers the discussion in the 17th century: the “sermo” (Ciceronian or Augustinian). Thus we will shed light on a political fiction under the theorization of familiar writing: what is at stake in the “Sermo” is the passage from a language attached to primitive communities and understood as simply an affective measure of human relations to a differentiated language,unique to societies and built on the representation and sharing of meaning.The second part (chapters 3-6) will explore the disruptions that progressive empowerment of the private space provokes in the understanding of familiar writing in the 17th century. In the eyes of those who lived in the 17th century, familiar usage of language constituted both anoccasion that preferred the feeling of community, as well as a threat to civil ambition to which it is attached. Treaties on conversation tried to limit its dangers. Libertine texts exacerbated the power of its disruptions.The last part (chapter 7) is devoted to the theatrical works of Molière. Following readjustments brought to notions of style and representation by our exploration of the classico-baroque familiar writings, how does one interpret Molière’s comic language? What are the consequences for our understanding of “le ridicule”?

Spanish and Portuguese organ music still remains a relatively unchartered area escaping the attention of most general assessments of European musical history. The work which has been done in this field has tended towards stylistic appreciations of the published large-scale compositions and the compilation of short biographies of prominent musicians. No extensive investigation has yet been undertaken which deals with such fundamental issues as the role of the organist and the origins and function of the extant organ repertory, of which a large proportion lies dormant in manuscripts, within the liturgy. Indeed, there is no monograph about organists and organ music in the Iberian peninsula as a whole. The overall aim of this thesis is to provide a musical background and liturgical context for short organ pieces called <u>versos</u> which were thoroughly integrated within a musical celebration of the Offices. For this end, a variety of musical and documentary material has been examined: practical sources of organ music; plainchant manuals; ceremonials and musical treatises. To an enormous extent this organ music was subject to long-standing liturgical customs and legislation, as well as to strongly defined traditions of musical composition. The prescriptions to the organist given in the ecclesiastical constitutions and how these may have been realized in the Canonical Hours and in the Mass constitutes the essence of part two of this thesis. This interpretation of musico-liturgical practices has entailed an examination of the relationship between plainchant and the organ verset and the technicalities of mode and tranposition which were involved when alternating the organ with choral plainchant. An analysis is also made of the musical development of versets based on the psalm-tones, organ hymns (the <u>Pange lingua</u> in particular) and the 'organ mass'. An anthology of transcriptions complementing this discussion is contained in a separate volume. As a counterbalance to the analytical discussion in part two, part one provides an historical and cultural background to the subject. An assessment is made of the contribution made by individual organists and organ 'schools' and some consideration is made of the extent to which both royal and ecclesiastical patronage was responsible for the livelihood of music and the arts.

No description available.

This thesis explores the disciplinary relationship between natural philosophy (the study of nature or body) and theology (the study of the divine) in seventeenth-century England. Early modern disciplines had two essential functions. First, they set the rules and boundaries of argument – knowledge was therefore legitimised and made intelligible within disciplinary contexts. And second, disciplines structured pedagogy, parcelling knowledge so it could be studied and taught. This dual role meant disciplines were epistemic and social structures. They were composed of various elements, and consequently, they related to one another in a variety of complex ways. As such, the contestability of early modern knowledge was reflected in contestability of disciplines – their content and boundaries. Francis Bacon, Thomas White, Henry More and John Locke are the focus of the four chapters respectively, with Joseph Glanvill, Thomas Hobbes, other Cambridge divines, and a variety of medieval scholastic authors providing context, comparison and reinforcement. These case studies offer a cross-section of seventeenth-century thought and belief; they embody different professional and institutional interests, and represent an array of philosophical, theological and religious positions. Nevertheless, each of them, in different ways, and to different effect, put the relationship between natural philosophy and theology at the heart of their intellectual endeavours. Together, they demonstrate that, in seventeenth-century England, natural philosophy and theology were in flux, and that their disciplinary relationship was complex, entailing degrees of overlap and alienation. Primarily, natural philosophy and theology investigated the nature and constitution of the world, and, together, determined the relationship between its constituent parts – natural and divine. However, they also reflected the scope of man’s cognitive faculties, establishing which bits of the world were knowable, and outlining the grounds for, and appropriate degrees of, certainty and belief. Thus, both disciplines, and their relationship with one another, contributed to broad discussions about, truth, certainty and opinion. This, in turn, established normative guidelines. To some extent, the rightness or wrongness of belief and behaviour was determined by particular definitions of, and relationship between, natural philosophy and theology. Consequently, man’s place in the world – his relationship with nature, God and his fellow man – was triangulated through these disciplines.

En 1594, l’Ordre des Prêcheurs engage en France une réforme. À la fin du XVIIe siècle, le Maître général Antonin Cloche tente de nouveau d’aviver l’esprit d’observance. Parallèlement, l’Ordre devient pour les pouvoirs politiques, en France et aux Pays-Basméridionaux, un instrument de lutte contre les Réformés. Les dominicains s’engagent également dans tous les débats théologiques internes à l’Église catholique et se mobilisent pour les missions jusqu’aux extrémités de l’Asie. Ces évènements et la glorification des saints suscitent la création d’images gravées sur cuivre, commandées par l’Ordre ou indépendamment de celui-ci. Retrouver ces estampes, françaises et flamandes, comprendre leur processus d’émergence et le but qui leur fut assigné est l’objet du présent travail. L’enquête croise ainsi des données historiques internes à l’Ordre et supranationales. Sur le plan artistique, l’étude accorde une attention particulière, d’une part, à la circulation des graveurs et des modèles et, d’autre part, à l’émergence de styles propres. Ainsi se trouve valorisée l’articulation entre l’épanouissement de la taille-douce au XVIIe siècle, le discours d’un Ordre, et le regard porté sur lui. / This thesis focuses on the representation of the members of the Dominican Order as found in seventeenth century engravings. It seeks to examine the role of the French and Flemish engravers commissioned by the Order of Preachers in order to stress its social and moral importance. The engravings are an integral part of an artistic heritage with his own language, challenging our perception of the Dominican story, and more generally of the history itself. This has enabled us to question the contribution and the capacity of images either to reflect or to distort, like a mirror, the spiritual life and the theological debates in both the Church and in society during the seventeenth century.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-03-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:07:37Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rocha_mp_me_fran.pdf: 367536 bytes, checksum: 4314ec686d7fda9f3c29d16bd44ef9d9 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A investigação visa estudar as relações entre o discurso demonológico e colonização no vice-reinado do Peru de finais do século XVI e início do XVII, através dos processos de “extirpação de idolatrias” e a criação de instituições que buscavam a normatização/uniformização dos costumes, como a “casa de Santa Cruz”, um cárcere para líderes religiosos considerados “feiticeiros”, e o “colégio do Príncipe”, uma escola para filhos da elite indígena. Ambas instituições estavam sob responsabilidade do jesuíta Pablo José de Arriaga, que também foi uma referência para as visitas de idolatrias / The research aims to study the relations between the demonological and colonization in the Viceroyalty of Peru from the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries through the processes of extirpation of idolatry and the creation of institutions seeking the standardization / harmonization of customs as the home of Santa Cruz, a prison for religious leaders viewed as wizards and the colegio del Príncipe, a school for children of the indigenous elite. Both institutions were under the responsibility of the Jesuit Pablo José de Arriaga, who also was a reference to the visits of idolatry

No description available.

Ce mémoire traite du débat entre le coeur et le devoir et des différentes influences qui ont conduit à la fameuse question : Pourquoi la princesse n’épouse-t-elle pas le duc de Nemours alors que tous les obstacles sont levés ? À défaut de pouvoir répondre définitivement à cette énigme dont seule Madame de La Fayette possède la clé, nous nous sommes concentrée sur les influences qui auraient pu pousser la princesse à sacrifier son coeur pour son devoir. La méthode de recherche utilisée est l’approche de la biographie intellectuelle. Il est évident que le vécu de l'auteure a teinté le contenu de son oeuvre ainsi que l'âme de son héroïne. Nous nous sommes également inspirée de la méthode sociocritique quant aux influences et mouvements de l'époque. Dans le but de simplifier la collecte des sources et l’organisation de la recherche, nous avons regroupé les influences en trois grandes catégories : les influences personnelles, internes et externes. Cette étude a mis en évidence que les moeurs, dans La Princesse de Clèves, sont le miroir de la société du XVIIe siècle. Chaque influence présentée forme le dessin d’une princesse cachant en elle le secret de son renoncement à l'amour. / This work addresses the debate between heart and duty as well as the various influences that led to the famous question : Why doesn't the princess marry the Duke of Nemours when all barriers are removed ? All things considered, we cannot conclusively answer this enigma to which only Madame de La Fayette holds the key, therefore we focused on the influences that urged the princess to sacrifice her heart to her duty. The method of research used is the intellectual biography approach. It is apparent that the life of the author tinged the contents of her work and the soul of her heroine. We were also inspired by the sociological criticism method as to the influences and movements of this particular era. In order to simplify the collection and organization of this research, we combined the influences into three main categories : personal, internal and external. This study has shown that the characteristics in La Princesse de Clèves, mirror the society of the seventeenth century. Each presented influence forms the picture of a princess hiding, within herself, the secret of her renunciation of love.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-03-29T11:52:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brenomachadodossantos.pdf: 3023681 bytes, checksum: d99dd1283017b88720f4b01444434376 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-04-24T02:46:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brenomachadodossantos.pdf: 3023681 bytes, checksum: d99dd1283017b88720f4b01444434376 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-24T02:46:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brenomachadodossantos.pdf: 3023681 bytes, checksum: d99dd1283017b88720f4b01444434376 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-14 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / Não sem razão, quando se fala em jesuítas na Amazônia portuguesa seiscentista, o que se evoca imediatamente são as figuras dos padres Figueira, Vieira e Bettendorff, largamente reconhecidos como os grandes protagonistas da Missão do Maranhão e Grão-Pará naquele século, seja por suas valiosas produções textuais, aliás amplamente divulgadas, seja por terem colaborado ativamente e, em circunstâncias particulares, para a implantação do projeto jesuítico naquelas partes da Colônia. Avançando nessa direção, esforço-me por inserir a figura desconhecida do padre Manuel Gomes entre os personagens-chave daquela empresa, situando-o ao lado de Luís Figueira. Diante da importância da escrita entre os membros da Companhia de Jesus como meio privilegiado de comunicação, ação e registro, o objetivo central desta tese consiste em analisar o corpus epistolar dos padres Luís Figueira, Manuel Gomes e Antônio Vieira, bem como a Crônica do padre João Felipe Bettendorff, com vistas a identificar alguns dos principais propósitos perseguidos por esses textos referentes à Missão do Maranhão e Grão-Pará durante o século XVII e apreender as operações discursivas mobilizadas por seus autores para tanto. E, ao fazê-lo, colocando em evidência a trajetória e os feitos de tais inacianos, almejo contribuir com a historiografia que trata da Companhia de Jesus na Amazônia portuguesa, chamando a atenção para o fato de que seus referidos escritos foram construídos de modo a desempenhar papéis estratégicos em atenção a interesses e desafios do projeto jesuítico na região Norte da Colônia, em contextos específicos, ao longo do Seiscentos. / Not without reason, when talking about Jesuits in the seventeenth-century Portuguese Amazon, what immediately comes to mind are the figures of Fathers Figueira, Vieira, and Bettendorff, widely recognized as the great protagonists of the Mission of Maranhão and Grão-Pará in that century, whether for their valuable written works, as well widely publicized, or for having actively collaborated, and under special circumstances, in establishing the Jesuit project in those parts of the Colony. Proceeding in that direction, I am attempting to include the unknown character, Father Manuel Gomes, among the key figures of that enterprise, placing him alongside Luís Figueira. Given the importance of writing among the members of the Society of Jesus as a privileged instrument of communication, action, and record keeping, the principal goal of this thesis is to analyze the epistolary corpus by Fathers Luís Figueira, Manuel Gomes, and Antônio Vieira, as well as the Crônica by Father João Felipe Bettendorff, in order to identify some of the principal aims of such texts related to the Mission of Maranhão and Grão-Pará during the seventeenth century, and to understand the discursive means employed by their authors to do so. And, in so doing, by placing in evidence the course and the achievements of these Ignatians, I strive to contribute to the historiography concerning the Society of Jesus in the Portuguese Amazon, calling attention to the fact that their abovementioned writings were constructed in order to fulfill strategic roles in attending to the interests and challenges of the Jesuit project in the Northern Region of the Colony, in specific contexts, throughout the 17th century.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the meanings and functions of paradox in the late Renaissance. My understanding of Renaissance paradox, in contrast to that of most critics and historians, rests entirely on contemporary definitions of the term, rather than on its present-day meaning. Paradoxes as they are envisaged in this study begin to appear in the wake of the humanist rediscovery and dissemination of Cicero's <i>Paradoxa Stoicorum</i>. In this work, paradoxes are characterized as 'admirabilia contraque opinionem omnium', a definition that draws attention to two important traits of paradox, repeatedly invoked in the Renaissance: its association with wonder, and its opposition to common opinion. This thesis examines the history of classical paradox as it was revived, expanded beyond the narrow confines of Stoic ethics, and adapted to new purposes so successfully that it became a recognisable genre of polemical writing, with hundreds of works in Latin and the vernacular being described as paradoxes. Previous studies of Renaissance paradox have centred almost exclusively on its literary and vernacular manifestations, and on the paradoxical encomium in particular. My own work charts the rise to prominence and the ensuing transformations of paradox in a range of disciplines: rhetoric and ethics, theology, law, medicine, and natural philosophy. I compare the different associations that paradoxes acquire in all these areas, and the argumentative strategies that they deploy. My analysis of specific examples of paradox is informed by the methods of both literary analysis and intellectual history. Paradoxes, I argue, offered their authors the possibility of departing from established norms and of voicing novel views in a period of intellectual unrest. In their challenge to received and common opinion, they paved the way for more radical ideas in the following century, and they have much to tell us about dissident ways of thinking in the late Renaissance.