Until recent years, the historical moment of Charles II's return to England was universally accepted as a clear marker of the end of "the Cavalier winter," a welcome victory over theater-hating Puritans. To verify this historical view, literary historians have often glorified the role of King Charles II in the history of the "revival" of drama during the Restoration, whereas they tend to consider the Long Parliament's 1642 closing of the theaters as a decisive manifestation of Puritans' antitheatricalism. This historical perspective based upon what is often known as "the rupture model" has obscured the vibrant development of dramatic forms during the English civil wars and the ways in which the revolutionary energy exploded during this period continued to influence in the Restoration the deployment of dramatic forms and imagination across various social groups. By focusing on the generic development of drama and theatricality during the English civil wars, my dissertation challenges the conventional historiography of the English civil war literature, which has been overemphasizing the discontinuity between the English civil war and the periods before and after it. The first chapter shows how the theatrical energy displaced from traditional cultural domains energized an emerging cheap print market and contributed to the invention of new dramatic forms such as playlets and newsbooks. The second chapter questions the conventional association of Puritanism and antitheatricalism by rehistoricizing antitheatrical writers and their pamphlets and by highlighting the dramatic impulses at work in Puritan iconoclasm during the English civil wars. The final chapter offers the Restoration Milton as a case study to illustrate how the proposed historical perspective replacing "the rupture model" better explains not only the politics of Milton's Paradise Lost but also of Restoration drama.

Le De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ a toujours été présenté comme un texte rédigé par le jésuite Joseph de Jouvency. Pourtant, une étude plus approfondie montre que certains éléments ne peuvent provenir ni d'un religieux, ni du XVIIIe siècle. On aurait plutôt à faire avec un auteur laïc du début du XVIIe siècle, qui a des informations de première main, puisqu'il est lui-même à Québec. Ce qui en fait un document précieux et un témoin privilégié de l’histoire du début de la Nouvelle-France, bien que traduit et retravaillé par des Jésuites. Jouvency, en l'insérant dans les Historiæ Societatis Jesu, l'a en effet censuré et a ajouté quelques passages au texte original. Quelle est l'opinion du véritable auteur, ce Français vivant à Québec, sur les « Barbares de Nouvelle-France » qu'il rencontre? Une étude du texte montre qu'il dépeint à la fois les bonnes et les mauvaises coutumes des tribus autochtones, nous renseignant ainsi sur l'état des indigènes peu après l'arrivée des premiers véritables colons de la Nouvelle-France. Une traduction française accompagne l'analyse du texte. / De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ is studied as if it has been written by Jesuit Father Joseph de Jouvency. That being said, a more thorough research indicates that this text does not originate from such a pious man, nor from someone that lived during the eighteenth century. Indeed, the real author behind this text would more likely be a French who is laic and lived in Quebec city during the early seventeenth century. This revelation makes the document unique, despite the Jesuit’s adaptation both in language and content. For instance, Father Jouvency, the editor of the De regione who inserted it in the Historiae Societatis Jesu, censured and added some informations to the original text. It now becomes crucial to investigate the real opinion of the French Canadian author about these ‘‘Savages’’ that he met ? Our study shows that he described both good and bad native Americans customs, unveiling their life just after the arrival of the first French settlers in Quebec city. A French translation of the latin text also accompanies our analysis.

This thesis examines French and English trade voyages and trade colonies in North American during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and French and English relations with Native Americans. The colonies of Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc included members of previous French and English trade voyages and depended on the experience and information gained during trade voyages to formulate their economic objectives and colonial policies. French and English North American activity was intrinsically connected in this era through a plethora of amiable and competitive associations. National, transnational, and regional frameworks are all necessary in explaining Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc. French and English interaction with Native American groups during these voyages and colonies was distinctly similar, and the diverse cultures of the native Mi’kmaq, Eastern Abenaki, Powhatans, and Armouchiquois, rather than the divisions between French and English culture, were central in shaping colonist-Native relations in the seventeenth century.

Dans la France de l’Ancien Régime, si les représentations de la condition féminine légitiment les valeurs d’une traditionnelle phallocratie, on note néanmoins que le dogme chrétien accorde aux femmes une place dans l’économie du salut. Dans un contexte de Contre-Réforme, celle-ci déterminera notamment, sur le plan socio-littéraire, les modalités de l’expérience mystique et de l’héroïsme au féminin : l’éthique chrétienne érige paradoxalement en modèle des figures féminines qui transcendent leur humanité dans le sacrifice et la mort. Mais au XVIIe siècle, l’évolution des notions d’abnégation et d’amour-propre éradique ce triomphe éphémère. En nous intéressant plus particulièrement aux remaniements de l’hypotexte euripidien dans l’Iphygenie de Rotrou (1640) et dans l’Iphigénie de Racine (1674), nous verrons comment les deux pièces traduisent ce déclin. Au premier chapitre de notre mémoire, nous nous intéresserons à l’espace de liberté que le discours chrétien confère aux femmes à travers le culte de la virginité et l’hypothétique transfiguration des corps célestes. Réintégrant ces données théologiques, la mystique marque l’essor d’un charisme féminin que la notion d’amour-propre déconstruira à l’ère classique. Dans un second chapitre, nous explorerons les développements de l’éthique héroïque qui ont servi à l’essor d’un héroïsme au féminin. Le troisième chapitre portera enfin sur l’échec d’une héroïne mythique qui, mettant à profit le dogme chrétien, menace dangereusement l’équilibre d’un ordre patriarcal. La critique littéraire convient généralement de l’irréfutable vertu de l’héroïne de Rotrou et de Racine. Au terme de notre analyse, nous entendons démontrer qu’Iphigénie est, a contrario, tragiquement reconnue coupable d’amour-propre par les deux dramaturges. / In the French Ancien Régime, the representations of the condition of women justify the values of male chauvinism. Nevertheless, in its economy of Salvation, Christianity gives women an important place. In the social context of Counter-Reformation, this situation defines the terms of a mystical experience of God exemplified, in literature, by a model of feminine heroism, as Christian ethics set up a feminine figure transcending her human condition through sacrifice and death. In the seventeenth century, however, the concept of abnegation and pride eradicates the short-lasting triumph of feminine heroism. Through Rotrou and Racine’s theatrical reorganization of Euripides’ Iphigenia in Aulis, we will see how both authors convey its end. In our first chapter, we will consider the space defered to women by Christianity through the cult of virginity and the transfiguration of celestial bodies. Reinstating these theological data, the mystics will mark the rise of a feminine charisma which will be deconstructed by the notion of pride in the late seventeenth century. In the second chapter, we will see how the development of heroism favours the expansion of a feminine heroic figure. In the last chapter we will analyse the failure of a mythical heroine who, by taking advantage of the Christian dogma, dangerously compromises the patriarcal order. While critics often assert the truthfull virtue of Iphigenia in Rotrou and Racine’s plays, we will intend to prove that she is, on the contrary, tragically convicted of pride by both authors.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Early modern representations of witchcraft have been the subject of considerable recent scholarship; however, three significant aspects of the corpus have not received sufficient attention and are treated independently here for the first time. This dissertation will examine how witchcraft imagery invited discourse concerning the reality of magic and witchcraft and suggested connections to contemporary issues through the themes of the witch’s violent autonomy, bestial passions, and unnatural interactions with the demonic and the dead. These three themes address specific features of the multifaceted identity of the witch and participate in a larger discussion that questioned the nature of humanity. Analysis of each issue reveals a complex, ambiguous, and often radically open treatment of the subject that necessitates a revision of how witchcraft imagery from this period is understood. Each understudied aspect of witchcraft imagery is explored through a series of case studies that have not appeared together until now. Previously unexamined artworks with inventive content are introduced and canonical pictures are examined from new perspectives. These images were created in the principal artistic centers, the Italian city-states, the German provinces, and the Low Countries, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when the controversy over witchcraft was at its peak. Although they are few in number, these highly innovative images are the most effective and illuminating means by which to access these themes. These works of art provide valuable insights into important issues that troubled early modern society. Chapter 1 reveals how witchcraft imagery produced in the Low Countries is concerned with the witch’s violent rejection of the social bonds and practices upon which the community depends for survival. Chapter 2 examines how the figure of the witch was used to explore concerns about the delineation and transgression of the human-animal boundary. Chapter 3 exposes an interest in the physical possibility of witchcraft; artists questioned the ability of witches and demons to manipulate the material world. Issues include the witches’ capacity to reanimate dead bodies and create monstrous creatures. Together these images demonstrate active and meaningful engagement with the theories, beliefs, and practices associated with witchcraft.

Early modern representations of witchcraft have been the subject of considerable recent scholarship; however, three significant aspects of the corpus have not received sufficient attention and are treated independently here for the first time. This dissertation will examine how witchcraft imagery invited discourse concerning the reality of magic and witchcraft and suggested connections to contemporary issues through the themes of the witch’s violent autonomy, bestial passions, and unnatural interactions with the demonic and the dead. These three themes address specific features of the multifaceted identity of the witch and participate in a larger discussion that questioned the nature of humanity. Analysis of each issue reveals a complex, ambiguous, and often radically open treatment of the subject that necessitates a revision of how witchcraft imagery from this period is understood. Each understudied aspect of witchcraft imagery is explored through a series of case studies that have not appeared together until now. Previously unexamined artworks with inventive content are introduced and canonical pictures are examined from new perspectives. These images were created in the principal artistic centers, the Italian city-states, the German provinces, and the Low Countries, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries when the controversy over witchcraft was at its peak. Although they are few in number, these highly innovative images are the most effective and illuminating means by which to access these themes. These works of art provide valuable insights into important issues that troubled early modern society. Chapter 1 reveals how witchcraft imagery produced in the Low Countries is concerned with the witch’s violent rejection of the social bonds and practices upon which the community depends for survival. Chapter 2 examines how the figure of the witch was used to explore concerns about the delineation and transgression of the human-animal boundary. Chapter 3 exposes an interest in the physical possibility of witchcraft; artists questioned the ability of witches and demons to manipulate the material world. Issues include the witches’ capacity to reanimate dead bodies and create monstrous creatures. Together these images demonstrate active and meaningful engagement with the theories, beliefs, and practices associated with witchcraft.

La présente recherche se propose de retracer la vie et l’œuvre du père jésuite Jean Pierron (1631-1701), qui, venu de Lorraine, a contribué à la réouverture des missions iroquoises en Nouvelle-France. Arrivé dans la colonie en juin 1667, Pierron, se fit introduire auprès des populations autochtones par Jean Talon, après quoi il eut en charge un territoire d'environ une demi-douzaine de villages agniers de la vallée de l'Hudson. Après avoir livré ses premières impressions, le jésuite mit au point son programme apostolique, faisant appel à une méthode « audio-visuelle » fondée sur le dessin didactique. Mais le jésuite fut aussi un formidable voyageur, qui se rendit non seulement en Iroquoisie, mais aussi en Nouvelle-Angleterre. Il semble bien que ce soit grâce à de précieux réseaux de connaissances en dehors de ceux de la Compagnie de Jésus qu'il put entreprendre un tel voyage. La biographie de ce missionnaire-polyglotte, diplomate et peintre, souligne entre autre choses, l’importance du contexte stratégique et politique plus vaste des missions françaises en Amérique au XVIIe siècle. / The following study is devoted to the Jesuit father Jean Pierron (1631-1701). Arriving from Lorraine in 1667, Pierron participated in the Catholic mission to the Mohawk of the Hudson Valley, after being formally introduced to delegates of this nation by the intendant Jean Talon. Working in a half-dozen villages, Pierron designed an audiovisual method of conversion based upon didactic drawings and paintings. The missionary was also an energetic traveller, both within Mohawk territories and to the English colonies. These journeys point to Pierron’s earlier experiences and more precisely, to the network of contacts he seems to have developed in Europe. In sum, the life of this polyglot missionary, diplomat and painter underscores the importance of the broader strategic and political context of the Jesuit missions.

Seventeenth-century Seville, one of early modern Spain's most populous cities and the mercantile hub of its imperial trade, endured repeated and severe flooding of the Guadalquivir River, events that have been largely overlooked by historians. Additionally, Seville's boom-then-bust history and the allure of the 'decline of Spain' thesis have ensured that the second half of the seventeenth century for both the urban and the national context remains similarly neglected. This thesis, by conducting research into the city's flooding from 1621 to 1700 presents an alternative narrative of continuity, at the same time as asserting the value to be gained from a historical study of the environment and disasters. I argue that urban responses - political and cultural - to disaster provide fundamental evidence of the impact of wider historical processes and structures. The asistente - the royal governor - of Seville likewise lacks sustained or detailed study. These men, as the king's appointees, had a vital role in the performance of the government of the Habsburg monarchy. The city's equivalent of the corregidor in other Spanish cities and towns, and previously understood as a legal and administrative official, the asistente was, I argue, responded to a broader set of political attitudes, which prioritised conservation and discouraged novelty. I also stress the hands-on and practical aspects to the post, which demanded a working appreciation of urban space. By connecting a study of royal government in one of the most significant of early modern Spanish cities to an environmental history of flooding, I address important gaps in the scholarship and suggest new avenues of research into the history of environmental disaster. Spanish 'decline' might be reinterpreted as a failure to deal with specific local environmental issues, and environmental disaster acknowledged as an issue of central political importance.

Pourquoi la fiction utopique française des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles s’est-elle incarnée sous la forme d’un récit de voyage imaginaire à la première personne ? Pour la plupart des commentateurs du genre, l’utopie se pense d’abord et surtout sur le plan des idées, des mentalités et des idéologies ; la forme qu’elle adopte, les figures qu’elle déploie, les représentations dont elle est porteuse seraient, au mieux, des accidents de parcours. Notre hypothèse de lecture est tout autre : ces textes intéressent l’historien de la littérature précisément parce qu’ils s’articulent sous la forme d’un récit, mettant en tension la subjectivité trouble du voyageur témoin. Par leur construction mêlant le factuel et le fictionnel, ils se situent dans la double perspective du « monde comme fable » et de la « fable comme monde ». Cette dualité définitoire, nous l’étudierons à partir de la notion d’imaginaire géographique : les textes sur lesquels nous nous penchons problématisent en effet les liens entre voyage et langage, territoire et société, mobilité et individu. L’imaginaire géographique que nous analyserons est un processus, une dynamique qui informe la perception du monde et la possibilité de sa représentation : la présente étude s’intéressera, en deux parties, aux figurations de l’espace et aux pratiques spatiales, qui sont autant de médiations entre le voyageur utopique et les lieux qu’il traverse. / Why were utopian fictions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries written in the form of a first person imaginary travel ? Most commentators study utopian literature as being a concept ; the form it adopts and the representations it deploys are considered, at best, incidental. Our hypothesis is quite different : these texts should interest the historian of literature precisely because they present themselves in the form of a narrative in which the subjectivity of the narrator is problematic. By their construction mixing factual and fictional elements, these texts can be read in the double perspective of the “world as fable” and the “fable as world”. We will study this duality through the notion of geographical imagination : the texts we analyze are addressing the links between travel and language, territory and society, mobility and subjectivity. The geographical imagination that we will interpret is a process that informs the perception of the world and the possibility of its representation. This doctoral thesis is divided in two parts : we will investigate depictions of space and spatial practices which are both mediations between the utopian traveler and the places he crosses.