O objetivo do presente trabalho é buscar elementos para se analisar as relações interestreito de Taiwan, a partir da experiência histórica, processos políticos, dados econômicos e estudos securitários. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco seções: uma introdução, três capítulos de desenvolvimento e a conclusão. O primeiro capítulo procurou desenvolver uma perspectiva tanto sincrônica quanto diacrônica, relacionando o efeito da Guerra da Coreia sobre as relações interestreito naquele período. Entende-se que, ainda hoje, as relações interestreito são fortemente influenciadas por aquela conflagração, e, dada a precariedade do armistício, pela mera possibilidade da eclosão de um novo conflito armado na Península. O segundo capítulo foca-se no sistema político taiwanês e sua interface com as relações interestreito, estudandose, dentro das fontes que se pôde inventariar, a evolução do processo político e da construção de Estado em Taiwan. No terceiro capítulo, buscou-se chegar a um meio termo entre as duas perspectivas, enfocando-se a relação interestreito a partir de uma ótica regional. Especificamente, analisam-se o cenário político e estratégico pós-Guerra Fria na Ásia Oriental; o enfraquecimento da integração e o novo quadro estratégico na Ásia Oriental; e a reorientação da estratégia militar dos Estados Unidos, da China e do Japão, procurando-se relacioná-las à questão de Taiwan. Como conclusão, teve de se constatar o predomínio dos constrangimentos sistêmicos – não apenas sobre as políticas nacionais, mas sobre a própria região – no condicionamento das relações interestreito. Entendeu-se que a pouca previsibilidade da evolução desse relacionamento deve-se, em grande medida, ao caráter até certo ponto anormal da passagem da unipolaridade à multipolaridade. / The objective of this study is to find elements to analyze the Taiwan’s cross-strait relations, from the historical experience, political processes, economic data and International Security Studies. The work is divided into five sections: an introduction, three chapters of development and conclusion. The first chapter has sought to develop a perspective both synchronic as diachronic, relating the Korean War's effect on cross-strait relations in that period. It is understood that, even today, cross-strait relations are strongly influenced by that conflagration, and, given the precariousness of the armistice, the mere possibility of the outbreak of a new armed conflict on the peninsula. The second chapter focuses on the Taiwanese political system and its interface with the cross-strait relations, studying, inside sources that could inventorying, the evolution of the political process and the construction of state in Taiwan. In the third chapter, we sought to reach a compromise between the two perspectives, focusing to cross-strait relationship from a regional perspective. Specifically, they analyze the post-Cold War political and strategic landscape in East Asia; the weakening of integration and the new strategic framework in East Asia; and the reorientation of the military strategy of the United States, China and Japan, seeking to relate them to the Taiwan issue. In conclusion, we had to find the prevalence of systemic constraints - not just on national policies but about the region itself - in conditioning cross-strait relations. It was understood that the low predictability of the evolution of this relationship is due largely to the character to a certain point of the abnormal passage from unipolarity to multipolarity.

O objetivo deste estudo é encontrar a forma mais adequada para inserir as relações entre China e Índia no contexto político da Ásia, trazendo o caso de Mianmar como exemplo. A hipótese aponta que Mianmar é um elemento importante na evolução regional e bilateral das relações sino-indianas, onde se pode observar a sobreposição entre as dinâmicas simultâneas de rivalidade e de cooperação entre China e Índia. São debatidos aspectos diplomáticos, econômicos, políticos e securitários das relações sino-indianas no contexto asiático e em Mianmar. A discussão sobre a rivalidade sino-indiana traz elementos como a questão da região do Tibete, a Guerra Sino-Indiana (1962), a disputa pela Caxemira, as relações cordiais sino-paquistanesas, o apoio a insurgências, as estratégias marítimas e as capacidades operacionais aeroterrestres e navais de China e Índia. Reconhecendo a presença de rivalidade nas relações sino-indianas, ressalta-se que existem condições favoráveis para a mitigação desta condição. No âmbito militar, há relativo equilíbrio em capacidades operacionais, gerando incerteza sobre uma vitória decisiva e abrindo maior espaço à diplomacia. Existe um crescente senso de pragmatismo entre China e Índia, calcado nas suas visões sobre as Relações Internacionais da Ásia e sobre seus próprios papeis na moldagem do futuro da política regional. Assim, China e Índia têm procurado estender sua cooperação bilateral, negociam programas ambiciosos de interligação em infraestrutura e procuram maior diálogo político através de arquiteturas multilaterais. Mianmar é o centro de um eixo geográfico e político importante, conectando o Leste Asiático ao Sul da Ásia. Conclui-se, a partir do estudo do caso de Mianmar, que este se apresenta como um dos principais desafios e também representa uma grande oportunidade para o aprofundamento das relações entre China e Índia. / The aim of this study is to find the most adequate way to assess relations between China and India in the Asian political context, bringing the case of Myanmar as an example. The hypothesis suggests that Myanmar is an important element in the regional and bilateral development of sino-indian relations, where it’s possible to observe the superposition of simultaneous dynamics of rivalry and cooperation between China and India. The diplomatic, economic, political and security aspects of sino-indian relations are discussed in the Asian context and in Myanmar. The analysis on the sino-indian rivalry debates elements such as the Tibet region issue, the Sino-Indian War (1962), the dispute over Kashmir, the cordial sino-pakistanese relations, the support to insurgencies, maritime strategies and air-land and naval operational capabilities of China and India. Acknowledging the presence of rivalry in sino-indian relations, it’s emphasized that there are favourable conditions for the mitigation of this condition. In the military field, there’s relative equilibrium in operational capabilities, creating uncertainty about a decisive victory, therefore opening more space for diplomacy. There’s a growing sense of pragmatism between China and India, based on their views about International Relations of Asia and on their roles in shaping the future of politics in the region. Thus, China and India have intensified their bilateral cooperation, are negotiating ambitious joint infrastructure projects and are looking for more political dialogue through multilateral architectures. Myanmar is the centre of an important geografic and political axis, linking East Asia and South Asia. It’s concluded from the study case of Myanmar that the country presents itself as one of the main challenges and also as a big opportunity to deepen relations between China and India.

O objetivo deste estudo é encontrar a forma mais adequada para inserir as relações entre China e Índia no contexto político da Ásia, trazendo o caso de Mianmar como exemplo. A hipótese aponta que Mianmar é um elemento importante na evolução regional e bilateral das relações sino-indianas, onde se pode observar a sobreposição entre as dinâmicas simultâneas de rivalidade e de cooperação entre China e Índia. São debatidos aspectos diplomáticos, econômicos, políticos e securitários das relações sino-indianas no contexto asiático e em Mianmar. A discussão sobre a rivalidade sino-indiana traz elementos como a questão da região do Tibete, a Guerra Sino-Indiana (1962), a disputa pela Caxemira, as relações cordiais sino-paquistanesas, o apoio a insurgências, as estratégias marítimas e as capacidades operacionais aeroterrestres e navais de China e Índia. Reconhecendo a presença de rivalidade nas relações sino-indianas, ressalta-se que existem condições favoráveis para a mitigação desta condição. No âmbito militar, há relativo equilíbrio em capacidades operacionais, gerando incerteza sobre uma vitória decisiva e abrindo maior espaço à diplomacia. Existe um crescente senso de pragmatismo entre China e Índia, calcado nas suas visões sobre as Relações Internacionais da Ásia e sobre seus próprios papeis na moldagem do futuro da política regional. Assim, China e Índia têm procurado estender sua cooperação bilateral, negociam programas ambiciosos de interligação em infraestrutura e procuram maior diálogo político através de arquiteturas multilaterais. Mianmar é o centro de um eixo geográfico e político importante, conectando o Leste Asiático ao Sul da Ásia. Conclui-se, a partir do estudo do caso de Mianmar, que este se apresenta como um dos principais desafios e também representa uma grande oportunidade para o aprofundamento das relações entre China e Índia. / The aim of this study is to find the most adequate way to assess relations between China and India in the Asian political context, bringing the case of Myanmar as an example. The hypothesis suggests that Myanmar is an important element in the regional and bilateral development of sino-indian relations, where it’s possible to observe the superposition of simultaneous dynamics of rivalry and cooperation between China and India. The diplomatic, economic, political and security aspects of sino-indian relations are discussed in the Asian context and in Myanmar. The analysis on the sino-indian rivalry debates elements such as the Tibet region issue, the Sino-Indian War (1962), the dispute over Kashmir, the cordial sino-pakistanese relations, the support to insurgencies, maritime strategies and air-land and naval operational capabilities of China and India. Acknowledging the presence of rivalry in sino-indian relations, it’s emphasized that there are favourable conditions for the mitigation of this condition. In the military field, there’s relative equilibrium in operational capabilities, creating uncertainty about a decisive victory, therefore opening more space for diplomacy. There’s a growing sense of pragmatism between China and India, based on their views about International Relations of Asia and on their roles in shaping the future of politics in the region. Thus, China and India have intensified their bilateral cooperation, are negotiating ambitious joint infrastructure projects and are looking for more political dialogue through multilateral architectures. Myanmar is the centre of an important geografic and political axis, linking East Asia and South Asia. It’s concluded from the study case of Myanmar that the country presents itself as one of the main challenges and also as a big opportunity to deepen relations between China and India.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Organizational structure has profound effects on a joint force commander's ability to perform military actions. Organizations and their environment exhibit an interdependent relationship, requiring a commander to evolve his organization to rapidly achieve mission accomplishment. The CNO Strategic Studies Group XIX report of September 2000 has identified the FORCEnet as being the basis for the U.S. Navy's future network-centric organization, and outlines a military environment that includes multitudes of manned and unmanned vehicles, platforms, sensors, weapons and warfighters. These naval elements will operate jointly, leveraging organizational structure to rapidly sense, assess, and respond to the defense of the nation's security interests as directed by the President. The focus of this research is to examine this envisioned future military environment, the military actions required to achieve success in that environment and the organizational structure(s) that will best fit those action requirements. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

Are drones revolutionary? Reading about military unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), or 'drones', one could be led to believe that drones are a revolutionary technology, set to fundamentally change warfare. Their fast proliferation, the association with Science Fiction, combined with the secrecy that surrounds drone use has led many to conclude that the 'Unmanned Revolution' is upon us. This thesis studies the Unmanned Revolution. It develops a framework based on the concept of the 'Revolution in Military Affairs' and applies it to the study of three countries' drone uses and integration into their armed forces. It furthermore explores the role that the designation as revolutionary has played for the integration and use of UAVs in the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It shows that drones have proven their worth in military operations and compares the three countries' experiences. This thesis' detailed assessment of how the different countries have adopted drones and what implication this adoption has had, makes it a work of reference, in particular with regard to the German and British case studies. Assessing five types of changes - operational, doctrinal, strategic, organisational, and social and societal - this thesis argues that the most fundamental, and possibly revolutionary, change caused by military drones is social, namely, the fundamentally changed experience of war by combatants. In addition, it highlights country-specific changes. It concludes that the designation of drones as revolutionary has had an important impact in one country, Germany, although in the opposite way than initially expected. Namely, the intense debate around UAVs has hindered drone procurement and doctrinal thinking. In the other two countries, the Unmanned Revolution narrative was less prevalent and hence less influential. As drones are proliferating globally, I hope my thesis can be of use to policy-makers, military decision-makers as well as researchers worldwide.

Canada consistently balances competing inclinations for proximity and distance with the United States. Yet the extant literature on Canadian foreign policy has rarely focused on this particular behaviour trait or readily accepted that such an ambiguous stance is actually underpinned by a strategic logic, let alone the crux of a purported grand strategy. And the few that that are open to the notion of a Canadian grand strategy often overlook the domestic decision-making determinants of behaviour, are largely empirical-descriptive in content, or are chronologically limited to either the early Cold War or a few key foreign policy episodes. This dissertation rectifies these shortcomings by providing a theoretical-explanatory and empirically-informed account of Canada’s post-war grand strategy, in which its domestic origins, strategic policies, and cultural predispositions are all carefully explored. It does so by applying the cultural-cybernetic model of behaviour, which combines strategic cultural factors that guide policy-makers on security matters with cybernetic policy processes, through which beliefs, inclinations, and policy choices are standardized and regularized as distinct doctrines across a range of foreign, defence, and security policies. It tests this model on two key cases of Canadian grand strategy in the post-war period: (1) Canada’s policy responses to American preferences on strategic (air and missile) defence over some six decades, and (2) its policy responses to US – and to a lesser extent British – strategic preferences on NATO defence strategy during the Cold War. The findings reveal that Canada’s strategic policies fluctuated between the two Standing Operational Doctrines in its policy repertoire: continental soft-bandwagoning and defensive weak-multilateralism. These two doctrines span the range of feasible policy options – the “goldilocks zone” – required to ensure that any trade-offs between security and sovereignty, as the central values being pursued in the cybernetic process, are minimized. It is for this reason that Canada’s strategic behaviour has a high degree of policy continuity, patterned consistency, and is best described as the goldilocks grand strategy.

This diplomatic and military history offers a new interpretation of the origins of the three fighting fronts during the final phase of the Cold War in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan. Vaguely remembered today as proxy wars on the periphery, in fact, these were protracted revolutionary civil wars and regional contests for the balance of power in which millions died, while at the same time they were central to global superpower confrontation. Analysis focuses on the strategy and policy of the United States. The chronology from 1975 to 1982 covers the Ford administration's covert action intervention in the Angolan Civil War, which came to grief at the hands of Cuban troops; Jimmy Carter's effort to conduct foreign policy based on principles, which ran foul of power considerations in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Afghanistan; and Ronald Reagan's embrace of these wars early in his first term as part of the revival of U.S. strength in its competition with the Soviet Union. The principal argument is that, while generally undervalued as controversial small wars of dubious significance, these wars were in fact integral to U.S. experience of limited war during the Cold War following victory in World War II. In strategic terms, the main conclusion is that the U.S. restricted itself to conducting economy of force contingency operations in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan as a result of its costly struggles in Korea and Vietnam. Despite declaring these peripheral wars to be central to the Cold War, avoiding the costs of involving U.S forces directly in Third World conflicts and minimizing the risks of escalation with the Soviet Union were overriding political and military imperatives.

With the aim of contributing one aspect to the international relations enterprise of understanding the grounds for security policy action, this essay makes a theoretical exploration of the basis for security strategy-making on the political level, with the aid of a multidisciplinary framework for analysis (combining research on strategy, narratives and role theory). Developing the concept of strategic actor by assessing its constitution through aspects of strategic theory (e.g. theories of action), role enactment, and strategic narratives, enables the study to construct an analytical tool which can be utilized to assess the strategic reasoning of actors within international relations. This analytical tool is tested for relevance by being employed to empirically analyse public security strategies of states and intergovernmental organizations as presumed strategic actors. Empirical analysis guided by the framework for analysis is conducted vis-à-vis a selection of security strategies (a.k.a. strategic concepts) between 2000 and 2010, of state-actors: the Russian Federation, the United States, the United Kingdom, and IGO-actors: the European Union and NATO. The essay increases the understanding of strategic actors’ strategy-making in general and security strategy-making in particular. The findings augment the understanding of the complex choices facing political units if they aim to credibly cast themselves as a strategic actor – at least regarding the aspect of reasoning strategically – as well as shedding some more light on the particular policy material that security strategies represents.

No description available.

This is the first such study of Operation Banner: taking three Battalions as case studies, drawing upon extensive interviews with former soldiers, primary archival sources including unpublished diaries, this thesis closely examines soldiers' behaviour at the small infantry-unit level (Battalion downwards), including the leadership, cohesion, orientation and motivation that sustained, restrained and occasionally obstructed soldiers in Northern Ireland. It contends that there are aspects of wider scholarly literatures - from sociology, anthropology, criminology, and psychology - that can throw new light on our understanding of the British Army in Northern Ireland. The thesis will also contribute fresh insights and analysis of important events during the early years of Operation Banner, including the murders of two men in County Fermanagh, Michael Naan and Andrew Murray, and that of Warrenpoint hotel owner Edmund Woolsey in South Armagh in the autumn of 1972. The central argument of this thesis is that British Army small infantry units enjoyed considerable autonomy during the early years of Operation Banner and could behave in a vengeful, highly aggressive or benign and conciliatory way as their local commanders saw fit. The strain of civil-military relations at a senior level was replicated operationally – as soldiers came to resent the limitations of waging war in the UK. The unwillingness of the Army's senior leadership to thoroughly investigate and punish serious transgressions of standard operating procedures in Northern Ireland created uncertainty among soldiers over expected behaviour and desired outcomes. Mid-ranking officers and NCOs often played important roles in restraining soldiers in Northern Ireland. The degree of violence used in Northern was much less that that seen in the colonial wars fought since the end of World War II. But overly aggressive groups of soldiers could also be mistaken for high-functioning units – with negative consequences for the Army's overall strategy in Northern Ireland.