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This study sees the 1900 strike on the Fraser River as providing the setting in which trade unions began in the fisheries of British Columbia, and analyzes both the strike itself and its background from that point of view. In the two decades to 1890, the Fraser River salmon canning industry grew relatively slowly, limited by the problems of developing techniques for processing, finding labor for packing, and accumulating capital from profits. In the 10 years to 1900, these difficulties had been mostly overcome, and fresh capital, attracted by sizeable profits, nearly tripled the number of canneries. This boom ended in a crisis of over-expansion, marked by strikes and company mergers. One unforeseen effect of license limitation in the seasons I889-I89I was a change from paying fishermen a daily wage to paying them at so much per fish, and consequently the start of a series of disputes between canners and fishermen over fish prices. Though in general prices rose throughout the 1890*s, the individual fishermen failed to benefit, partly because of price cuts and limits on deliveries during periods of a heavy supply of fish, and partly because of the increasing number of fishermen licensed in each succeeding year. In an attempt to increase their bargaining strength, white resident fishermen campaigned for changes in federal fishery regulations to restrict competition from Japanese and American fishermen, and to reduce the number of cannery licenses. The first fishermen's organization, formed in 1893 to further this end, did not survive its unrelated involvement in a strike that year against price cuts. The amendments to the fishery regulations in 1894 and, to an even greater degree, in 1898 reflected the success of this group in gaining their ends by political means. To try to redress the balance, the canners created in 1898 their own closely-knit organization, the British Columbia Salmon Packers’ Association. The difficulties of the seasons of 1898 and 1899, basically caused by over-expansion, led the canners to tighten their organization further by creating in January, 1900, the Fraser River Canners’ Association, a cannery combine with power to set maximum fish prices and production quotas for each cannery, and to levy fines on violators of its decisions. About the same time, and partly in reaction to the canners' move, separate unions of fishermen were organized, first at New Westminster, then at Vancouver. The Vancouver union tried and failed to enroll Japanese fishermen who formed in June, 1900, the Japanese Fishermen's Benevolent Society. The Canners’ Association refused to negotiate prices with fishermen's union representatives or to set a minimum price for sockeye. When the sockeye season opened July 1 the fishermen struck, demanding 25 cents a fish through the season. By July 10, the strike included all fishermen on the river—white, Japanese and Indian. After another week, the Canners' Association felt forced to negotiate and in a series of meetings the two sides came close to settlement. At this point, however, the canners broke off negotiations and made a separate agreement with the Japanese for 20 cents for the first 600 fish in a week and 15 cents thereafter. The canners then provoked an "incident" as an excuse for three friendly justices of the peace to call out the militia to Steveston. In spite of the Japanese defection and the presence of the militia, the remaining strikers held out for another week. Mediation by E. P. Bremner, Dominion Labor Commissioner, and Francis Carter-Cotton, publisher of the Vancouver News-Advertiser, secured them a negotiated settlement which, though not including any union recognition, guaranteed 19 cents throughout the season. This success led to the creation in January, 1901, of the Grand Lodge of British Columbia Fishermen's Unions, the first coast-wide fishermen's organization in British Columbia. The strike marked the beginning of continuous union activity in the industry and the start of a tradition of radical leadership that persists to the present day. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This study investigates the impact of violence and intimidation, especially the extent to which these have an effect on the behaviour of union joining and leaving in the platinum mining site located in the North-West Province. Accepting the premise that unions have substantial leverage, both in terms of legislative provisions of the Labour Relations Act for bargaining for wage increases and the capacity for organized industrial action, the study zoned in on the localized offshoots of the experience of union domination as intimidation This has particular value in understanding the often-ignored reasons why employees behave in ways that express solidarity, on the one hand, and rivalry, on the other—both of which articulate to a propensity to behave in ways that mask or avoid vulnerability. One of these ways is union-joining behaviour. Framed on a qualitative methodology, this study measured the aforesaid behaviour through research questions and hypothesis that scale intentions to join through normative beliefs above organizational justice. In order to provide a logical link between its independent variables of violence/intimidation and the union-joining dependent variable, it marshalled scientific constructs gleaned from Icek Azjen’s Theory of Planned Behaviour. Accordingly, it used convenient sampling to manage the data gathered from the Theory of Planned Behaviour Questionnaire, which was apt to accurately and validly score the values of research constructs—such as they were ranged against moderators and mediators. The study arrived at the following significant findings: the propensity to join unions is as much prompted by an urgent sense of threat to job security and personal safety as it is by the need to leverage organizational justice. On the basis of these findings, the study makes bold recommendations to all concerned stakeholders. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lmgibs2015 / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / Unrestricted

There has been much debate on the benefits of a forefoot versus rearfoot strike pattern in distance running in terms of performance and injury prevalence. Shock attenuation occurs more prominently in soft tissues at impact in forefoot runners compared to the passive skeletal loading in rearfoot runners. Recent studies indicate that a forefoot strike pattern may not be maintainable over long distance efforts. Therefore, this study tested the hypothesis that habitual forefoot runners could not maintain their strike pattern throughout a prolonged, intensive run. Fourteen forefoot runners ran to voluntary exhaustion on an instrumented force treadmill (average run duration: 15.4±2.2 minutes). Kinematic and kinetic data were sampled each minute at 200Hz and 1000Hz, respectively. Ankle plantar-flexor torque was measured during pre- and post-run isometric contractions, during which electromyographic activity was measured in the soleus, lateral, and medial gastrocnemius. Loading rate (49.95±14.83 to 57.40±22.53 BW*s-1, p=0.0311) and impact peak (1.35±0.43 to 1.50±0.51, p=0.0207) increased significantly throughout the run. Both peak knee flexion (-33.93±3.67º to -36.21±3.48º, p=<0.0000) and sagittal ankle angle at touchdown (-11.83±5.33º to -9.33±6.29º, p =0.0202) increased significantly. Ankle torque decreased significantly from pre- to post-run (120.57±33.57 to 110.76±32.91 Nm, p = 0.0154). This was accompanied by a decrease in medial and lateral gastrocnemius integrated electromyographic activity (iEMG) (p=0.0387 and 0.0186, respectively). The results indicated that there were significant changes in landing mechanics in the habitual forefoot runners with increased levels of exertion, as they shifted towards strike patterns more similar to rearfoot runners throughout the run. These changes are in line with metabolic findings of other studies. There is increased eccentric loading of the ankle plantar-flexor muscles at touchdown in forefoot runners that may contribute to a decreased torque output by the end of the run. The decline in iEMG may indicate altered central drive of the system and a decline in the impact attenuation ability of the triceps surae, leading to the changes exhibited up the kinematic chain. These findings suggest that while forefoot strike patterns are good for speed, the onset of fatigue may affect the ability to maintain this pattern during a prolonged, intensive effort.

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In terms of the South African Constitution, every worker has the right to strike. This right is regulated in the Labour Relations Act. Workers engaged in essential services are prohibited from striking. The prohibition does not apply if a minimum service level agreement, guaranteeing services in the event of a strike, has been concluded between employers and trade unions. The Essential Services Committee, established under the Labour Relations Act ( the Act), must ratify these agreements before they become effective. More than two decades after the LRA was promulgated, very few ratified minimum service level agreements have been concluded in the municipal sector. This study explores the reasons for this and suggests legislative and policy interventions that could be considered on a sector wide basis. The study is by way of a single-case study of a metropolitan municipality. Data were obtained from two sources: 14 semi-structured interviews with participants and from an analysis of documents relevant to the regulation of essential services. The study established that the legislative framework for regulating essential services in South Africa is consistent with the principles and decisions laid down by the International Labour Organisation. It however does not provide guidelines for determining minimum service levels. An apparent unevenness between the representatives of the negotiating counterparts exists in the municipal sector in South Africa. Many of the party representatives negotiating minimum service levels, do not work in designated essential services or possess relevant technical skills. The findings of the study suggest steps that could be taken to strengthen the capacity of the Essential Services Committee to assist parties in the municipal sector to conclude minimum service agreements and build the negotiating capacity of the parties. The study also makes recommendations regarding improved participation by essential service workers and the broader community in the process.

Counter-Strike: Global Offensive stands as one, if not the most popular competitive video game of all time. In fact, tens of millions are awarded at Esports tournaments – a testament to the game’s popularity. As such, game designers should seek to understand exactly why the Counter-Strike series is so popular. One critical element to any game like Counter-Strike is the level design. This study attempts to provide an analysis of competitive level design by looking at the differences between a highly popular Counter-Strike level, Dust2, and one that is considerably less popular, Cobblestone.  Level design has already been scrutinized heavily by game designers throughout the years, and this also applies to Counter-Strike. The trend has mainly been to analyze levels from a high-level perspective, however. We hope that our study will contribute to the existing knowledge from an exceedingly low-level perspective. The study relies on data acquired from the massive Counter-Strike statistics database HLTV.org which primarily consist of 2 heat-maps that display hotspots for “killer locations” on the levels’ Bombsites. These heat-maps have since been subjected to two formal analyses and a subsequent comparative analysis. The study found that the occurrence of several indicators of flawed level design are present in Cobblestone. These flaws contrast with the level design principles and guidelines laid out by experienced designers. As such, the study concludes that these flaws are the primary contributing factors to the drop in popularity for Cobblestone. However, the study also acknowledges the need for an expanded study comprising the entire levels and involving other types of data

The geometry and mineralization features of small left-lateral strike-slip faults and associated fractures in Lake Edison Granodiorite of the central Sierra Nevada, California, were examined in order to model the three-dimensional structure of strike-slip faults. These faults, which are reactivated joints, were also examined to determine fault sizes, starting joint size, and evidence for fluid flow. The associated secondary fractures are usually found in the dilational quadrants of fault-tip regions. The longest fault-segment trace is 32.14 m; the longest joint trace is 22 m. The joint population length (l) is represented by a power-law distribution (l-n) and it is l-1.22. The fault-segment distributions are l-0.23~0.79, and the compiled fault-segment distribution is l-1.18. The data on fracture and fault spacing, along with the joint power-law distribution, will aid in the simulation and analysis of fault evolution. The splay-fracture traced in the faults are linear at depth and the average splay-fracture angle is 39° ± 13°. The dihedral angle of the splay plane and fault plane ranges from 20° to 65°. There is a high concentration of splay fractures near the fault. As distance increases perpendicular form the fault, the splay-fracture spacing increases and splay-fracture frequency decreases. The splay tracelength distributions have a high short tracelength concentration with a rapid decrease of long tracelengths. The maximum tracelength of multiple splay-fracture groups is restricted by their distance orthogonal to the fault trace. The three-dimensional relationship between the splay-fracture plane and fault plane can be inferred from these data. When present, mineralized quartz appears largely as lenses and few as single continuous veins along the faults. No consistent pattern exists between fault displacement and the locations and dimensions of quartz cavities. There is no visible damage zone near the fault termination or around the faults. Microstructures in the fault zone consist of cataclasites and patchy gouges, and zones of dynamically recrystallized fault walls. The three-dimensional geometry, along with quartz cavity distribution and thin section analysis, has led to the conclusion that fluid migrates vertically among the faults and fractures.

The Arumbera Sandstone consists of mappable informal units which are repeated in a vertical, cyclic succession. Sandstones of fluvial origin form resistant strike ridges separated by strike valleys, which consist of recessive sandstones and mudrocks of marine origin. Lithofacies 1a, 2b, and 3a are probably of marine origin in intertidal environments. Trace fossil assemblages in lithofacies 3a suggest Skolithos and Cruziana inchnofacies were present. Lithofacies 1e, 2a, 2c, 3b, and 4a are probably of fluvial origin, as the result of coalescing braided stream deposits. The Arumbera Sandstone probably was deposited in a deltaic environment characterized by low wave energy, a micro tidal range, and high input of sand-sized sediment br braided streams. In the western MacDonnell Ranges, the Arumbera overlies the Julie or Pertatataka formations along a sharp but conformable contact. The present upper contact is a low-angle regional unconformity which contains paleotopographic elements that resemble pediments, stripped structural plains, and steep erosional scarps. These paleotopographic surfaces are overlain from east to west by the Chandler, hugh River, and Cleland formations in an onlap relationship. The Arumbera Sandstone is considered part of a molasse sequence associated with the Late Proterozoic and Early Cambrian Petermann Ranges orogeny, which occurred along the present southern and southwestern margin of the Amadeus Basin. The uplifted Petermann Ranges shed detritus from metamorphic, sedimentary, and minor amounts of plutonic rocks. Paleocurrents suggest most terrigenous material was derived from the southwestern margin of the basin. The composition of detrital grains and lack of weathering features in labile detrital grains suggest a hot, semiarid to arid climate in the source area and in the basin of deposition. Sandstone samples examined petrographically primarily are subphyllarenites, subarkoses, arkoses, feldspathic litharenites, and lithic arkoses. The inferred paragenetic sequence is: Eogenetic: (1) mechanical compaction, (2) "dust rims" of hematite, illite, and chlorite, and (3) hematite cement; Mesogenetic: (4) syntaxial feldspar overgrowths, (5) syntaxial quartz overgrowths, (6) hematite cement, (7) carbonate cement, (8) kaolinite replacement, (9) formation of secondary porosity; Telogenetic: (10) chert cement and (11) gibbsite or hematite cement.

Strikes are according to Lindvall most probable in countries where 35 to 40% of the working people are members in trade unions. France has shown to be a deviant case to the empirical findings of Lindvall with low number of members in trade unions, but high number of strikes.  The overarching question is: Can the political culture explain the high number of strikes in France and if so how? Ronald Inglehart's theory of political culture as well as the theory Civic culture by Almond and Verba have been used.  Considering the empirical findings and with support of the theories used I conclude that political culture to an extent can explain the high number of strikes in France. There are no implications that trust in others as well as institutions, government and political parties have an impact on strikes. The economic situation of the household or the state are not found to be explanatory factors either. Dissatisfaction with one's life situation, work situation, or situation in the country did not either show any statistical significance. When analysing the answers to the questionnary I can state that the respondents not only supported strikes to have better work conditions and see changes. They also went on strike to support others, because they considered it as a duty and because they found it important to show participation. There were also those who considered that it was important to celebrate the French history. Strike is also supported by people who did not go on strike themselves. It is clearly understood that strikes are respected by a majority.  The conclusion is that if you have a country with a democratic system and a political culture which to a greater extent is participatory ( even if there are subcultres or tendencies of parochial and subject culture ) and the historical context as France does have, that might well be the explanation for its high number of strikes. The reason for France being the deviant case can lie within the combination of its political culture as well as its history. It cannot be stated that a specific political culture alone explains strike density. It can however be stated that specific variables are seen to have more impact or vary with higher number of strikes and these are in this study positive expectations and satisfaction with the democratic system which are characteristic of participatory political cultures.  Keywords: strikes, civic culture, political culture