Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 199-203).

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Texas at El Paso, 2009. / Title from title screen. Vita. CD-ROM. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Zugl.: Regensburg, Univ., Diss., 2008

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Oregon State University, 1995. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-130). Also available on the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Texas at El Paso, 2009. / Title from title screen. Vita. CD-ROM. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

132f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-17T17:30:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-26T11:08:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-26T11:08:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cesar Carneiroseg.pdf: 732259 bytes, checksum: e36cc86495f8401f5190a9da976f4a9e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Essa dissertação analisa as movimentações em torno da peça "Aventuras e desventuras de um estudante". Proibida pela direção do Colégio Estadual da Bahia, a peça transformou-se no pivô de uma greve de estudantes que, lutando pela liberdade de expressão, enfrentaram autoridades civis e militares no Estado da Bahia no ano de 1966, em plena ditadura. Aborda temas como a repressão ao movimento estudantil no período, articulações entre secundaristas, universitários e outros setores sociais e a repercussão das movimentações estudantis na imprensa baiana. Ancorada em um leque de fontes que engloba arquivos escolares, jornais da época, arquivos pessoais, documentos da repressão e depoimentos de protagonistas e contemporâneos, a pesquisa teve como objetivo contribuir com debate historiográfico acerca do movimento estudantil no período da ditadura militar, particularmente sobre a participação de secundaristas na resistência ao regime que se instalou no Brasil após o golpe de 1964. / Salvador

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-04-05Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:06:54Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 paula_rp_dr_assis.pdf: 1485476 bytes, checksum: 45f73d0517edcd64d572665e4ff276fe (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / Abordamos na presente pesquisa, a trajetória da organização coletiva dos professores da rede oficial de ensino do Estado de São Paulo, particularmente daquela referente à Apeoesp. Associação criada por professores secundaristas e normalistas com o objetivo de defender os interesses da categoria. Analisamos as diferentes formas de organização experimentadas ao longo dos anos, a partir de um duplo movimento. Externamente, provocado pelas transformações sociais, políticas, econômicas e culturais vivenciadas no Brasil e no mundo que interagiram na formação do campo educacional paulista. Internamente, decorrente de uma dinâmica própria, provocada pelas disputas travadas pelo comando das atividades e atitudes em relação aos seus representados, ao governo e ao conjunto da sociedade brasileira. Tais condicionantes teriam contribuído para mudanças na atuação dos professores em seu cotidiano, dando origem a movimentos de construção e reconstrução de sociabilidades, modificando padrões, identidades e ações desenvolvidas coletivamente. Esse processo, acompanhado de permanências e rupturas, apresentou três fases: 1945-1963, surgimento e estruturação, até a primeira experiência grevista dos docentes; 1963- 1978, anos de acomodações e resistências em meio à ascensão e crise do regime militar instalado a partir de 1964; e, por fim, 1978-1989, fase de reorganização da entidade com base em novas experiências no enfrentamento de problemas originados ou aprofundados pelas transformações vividas no país ao longo do período de redemocratização. Fase esta que assinalou a ascensão de grupos, projetos e ideologias acerca da organização de professores, criando ou reforçando estratégias de mobilização, consolidando ações e representações acerca do magistério e de sua entidade coletiva, culminando na obtenção do registro sindical em 1989. / It was approached in the research the trajectory of the collective organization of the teachers from the official chain of education in the State of São Paulo, particularly from the one referring to Apeoesp, association created by secondary teachers with the aim of defending the category's interests. It was analyzed the different forms of organization experimented through the years, starting with a dual process. Externally caused by social, political, economical and cultural transformation experienced in Brazil and around the world, that interacted with the making of the educational field of São Paulo. Internally, as a result of its own dynamics, caused by disputes for the activities and attitudes related to their representatives, the government and the whole Brazilian society. Theses facts contributed to the changes in the teachers's role in their daily routine, originating construction and reconstruction processes of socialization, modifying standards, identities and actions collectively developed. This process, followed by ruptures and permanences, presented three phases: 1945-1963, the emergence and organization, until the first strike experience; 1963-1978, the years of adaptation and resistances during the ascent and crisis of the Military regime adopted since 1964; and at last, 1978-1989, the reorganization of the institution phase, which was based on new experiences in the confrontation with problems originated or expanded by the transformation in the Country through the democratization period. Such phase marked the ascent of groups, projects and ideologies through the teacher's organization, creating or reinforcing mobilization strategies, establishing actions and representations in the teaching process and its collective institution, culminating in acquisition of the syndical register in 1989.

One of the most fashionable impressions about the legacies of French May ’68 lurking in our capitalist society nowadays is perhaps the view that this historic episode has greatly inspired a chain of sexual liberations and anti-authoritarian lifestyle revolts within the realm of modern Western cultures. However, without actually questioning the ideological implications behind this liberal-libertarian ethos, the above convenient historical verdict may still help perpetuate the predominant logic of late capitalism and the concurrent status quo. Historically speaking, during the heyday of the worldwide leftist insurrections of the 1960s, the events of ’68 were never simply an isolated First-World phenomenon. Deeply entangled with the empirical lessons of the Maoist Cultural Revolution, May 68 in France has radically invoked and manifested many profound social queries and contestations against both the capitalist universality and the emerging Soviet revisionist thinking for two decades. In this dissertation, my primary research focus is precisely to call into question, through the optics of their inherent “Chinese connections,” the dominant narratives about the movements of May ’68 as merely a smoothening agent of massive “cultural reforms” in the capitalist West, instead of a continuous response toward the Maoist egalitarian principles that keeps incessantly catalyzing genuine political transformations in the sphere of global communitarian and quotidian practices. By analyzing and rehistoricizing a variety of cultural texts that include travel writings, memoirs, novels and films in relation to the subversive spirits of ’68, this study aims to reopen their heavily forsaken sociopolitical significances in order to recast some of the truly alternative historical imaginations of this epoch. Unlike the predominant methodologies of historiography and intellectual histories which usually marginalize cinematic texts as largely “illegitimate” data for the serious investigations of the sixties, this thesis particularly emphasizes the extensive study and critical reexamination of many insufficiently discussed or widely misinterpreted filmic representations of “China” that were produced by a large group of Western filmmakers such as Bertolucci, Godard, Antonioni, Casabianca, Viénet, and Yanne, under the adoptions of different art forms and genres between the 1960s and the 2000s. While the overreliance on European cinematic representations of China may potentially risk becoming a blind repetition of many contemporary capitalist stereotypes about the Maoist influences in May ’68 at the expense of those greatly innovative and dialectical Sino-Western encounters during the same period, this thesis also seeks to cautiously retain and reinscribe the latent heterogeneous, antagonistic, and historical Chinese characters long pertaining to the ensemble of the so-called “French Theory” advanced by Barthes, Kristeva, Lacan, and others since 1968, so as to retrieve certain unrealized revolutionary potentialities of the latter beyond the reigning ideological confines of neoliberalism today. I argue that this seemingly “redundant” or “generic” gesture of constantly delinking the multiple creative novelties adhering to the aforementioned Western cultural representations of “China” from the unique intellectual innovations of ’68 is highly crucial here, insofar as such excessiveness of negativity and refusal may nonetheless offer us a chance to persistently (re)search for some even better forms of emancipatory possibilities to come.

Os movimentos grevistas sofreram o impacto das recentes modificações tecnológicas, da globalização e da terceirização. Antigas estratégias utilizadas pelos trabalhadores para pressionar seus empregadores já não produzem o mesmo efeito que outrora. Novas formas de manifestação estão surgindo o que, naturalmente, provoca novas formas de contraofensiva dos empregadores. O conceito legal de greve já não se mostra adequado, requerendo certo esforço hermenêutico para que os novos movimentos paredistas não sejam considerados irregulares. Além de estudar estas transformações, o presente trabalho se dedica a refletir sobre a postura dos órgãos do Poder Judiciário nesse novo contexto. Após pesquisa dogmático teórica em fontes legais, releitura de textos doutrinários e estudo de precedentes judiciais e de organismos internacionais, concluiu-se que os órgãos judiciais devem apresentar uma atuação voltada a assegurar o exercício do direito de greve. Sugeriu-se, para tanto, que, em caso de dúvida, seja sempre adotada a exegese que assegure a realização das manifestações. / The strike movements have suffered the impact of recent technological changes, globalization and outsourcing. Old strategies used by workers to pressure their employers no longer produce the same effect as before. New forms of workers manifestations are emerging which, of course, provokes new forms of counter-offensive of the employers. The legal concept of a strike is no longer adequate, requiring some hermeneutic effort to recognize the validity of the new kinds of strike movements. In addition to studying these transformations, the present work is dedicated to reflect on the position of the Brazilian Labor Justice in this new context. After a theoretical dogmatic research in legal sources and after reading doctrinal texts and judicial precedents and precedents of international agencies, the conclusion found is that the courts should have an action aimed at ensuring the right to strike. To achieve this goal, the courts should, in case of doubt, adopt an exegesis that assures work stoppage.

Strike action by employees is globally used in matters of mutual interest in order to place pressure on employers to meet their demands although the right to strike is not contained in any of the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) conventions or recommendations. Two conventions of the ILO are however relevant in the context of strikes and lockouts.1 The first is the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention 87 of 1948 and the second convention of importance is the Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention 98 of 1949, both of which was ratified by South Africa and accordingly binds South Africa to comply with their provisions. The ILO appointed legal experts to assist the drafters of the Labour Relations Act,2 (LRA) in order to comply with these conventions. Furthermore section 3 of the LRA provides that the LRA must be interpreted in compliance with the international law obligations of South Africa. Section 27 of the Interim Constitution3 made provision for both the right to strike and the right of employers to lockout. In the proposed text of the final Constitution the recourse of the employer to lockout was not included. The text of the final Constitution was submitted to the Constitutional Court (CC) for certification in that it had to decide whether the new text of the final Constitution complied with the constitutional principles agreed to by the different political parties as the inviolable framework for the final Constitution. The CC delivered its judgment in Ex parte Chairperson of the Constitutional Assembly: In re Certification of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa4 and concluded that the omission of a right to lockout from the final Constitution does not conflict with constitutional principles. The CC did not agree with the argument, raised by Business South Africa, based on the proposition that the right of employers to lockout is the necessary equivalent to the right of workers to strike and that therefore, in order to treat workers and employers equally, both should be recognized in the new text. The result of this judgment is that employees’ right to strike is expressly protected by section 23 of the Constitution whilst the right of employers to lockout their employees is not expressly entrenched. The employers’ right is however protected by implication through the express protection of the right to bargain collectively in terms of section 23(5) of the Constitution and section 64 of the LRA.