Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:22:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao janaina.pdf: 2369881 bytes, checksum: 679ad650c23e6468623313f97174c5b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-18 / This dissertation analyzes the relationship between popular segments of society - especially the category of domestic workers - with the media, consumerism and beauty. The reason for our choice of domestic workers is because this profession has, simultaneously, many characteristics that allow it to be considered as subaltern: its undervaluation due to hybridizations that come from the times of legal slavery; the current labor laws, very different from the ones regarding other professions; the low income and the mainly feminine character of the profession. Our idea, therefore, is to look at consumers culture - especially the part of it connected to beauty, which comprehends fashion, body and beautifying strategies in general, all of those concepts intimately intertwined with women s history - from the viewpoint of a subaltern group. One of the ways through which consumers culture and hegemonic concepts such as the need for beauty are spread through society is the media, nowadays practically ubiquitous, due to its great accessibility through TV, radio, movies, newspapers, internet, cellphones, graffiti, billboards, waiting rooms etc. Wherever there is a potential consumer to be found, there will be at least one media vehicle. Its ability for content coverage and repetition allows media to be considered a very important intermediator between individuals and the world, becoming a relevant builder and repeater of cultural concepts, which will influence the subjectifying processes in people. In order to investigate this influence, 31 domestic workers in Goiânia were interviewed, with questions about their beauty concepts and their favorite mediatic programs. Both discourses were related to the objective of understanding whether there is a beauty concept carried out by the media, how the domestic workers perceive it, and what are their strategies to comply (or not) to them, assuming that domestic workers may relate to these contents in different ways: by making them their own, by negotiating with them, or even by denying them. That is because it is understood that lower segments of society are in constant relationship with the hegemonic contents, and are therefore co-participants in the forces that build culture day by day. / Esta dissertação analisa a relação de setores populares, mais especificamente as trabalhadoras domésticas, com mídia, consumo e beleza. A escolha da categoria de trabalhadoras domésticas se deu por esta profissão carregar, ao mesmo tempo, várias características que fazem com que se possa considerá-la como subalternidade: a desvalorização devido a hibridações desde a escravidão, as diferenças jurídicas em relação a outras profissões, o baixo poder aquisitivo e o caráter prioritariamente feminino da profissão. A idéia então é de lançar um olhar a partir da subalternidade para a cultura de consumo, especialmente o ligado à beleza, que compreende moda, corpo e estratégias de embelezamento em geral, conceitos intimamente ligados à história das mulheres. Uma das formas pelas quais a cultura de consumo e os conceitos hegemônicos - como o da necessidade de beleza - são disseminados na sociedade é por meio da mídia, que hoje tem um caráter quase onipresente , devido à facilidade ao seu acesso, como TV, rádio, cinema, revistas, jornais, internet, celulares, muros, outdoors, salas de espera, enfim, há mídia onde há um possível consumidor. A capacidade de abrangência e de repetição de conteúdos faz com que a mídia possa ser considerada como um importante mediador entre as pessoas e o mundo, se tornando um importante construtor e reprodutor de conceitos culturais, que vão influenciar nos processos de subjetivação dos indivíduos. Para se averiguar esta influência, entrevistaramse 31 trabalhadoras domésticas em Goiânia, investigando quais os seus conceitos de beleza, e qual a programação midiática mais consumida por elas. Ambos os discursos foram relacionados com o objetivo de se entender se há um conceito de beleza veiculado pela mídia, como as profissionais o percebem, e quais são as estratégias para se adequar ou não a eles. Parte-se do pressuposto de que as trabalhadoras domésticas podem se relacionar com esses conteúdos de várias formas: se apropriando deles, negociando com eles, e também os negando. Isso porque entende-se que os setores populares estão em constante relação com os conteúdos hegemônicos, e, portanto, são interlocutores e co-participantes nas forças que constroem diariamente a cultura.

Skogsbruket har en lång historia i Sverige och kom under 1900-talet att hamna i en rad konflikter med intressegrupper som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden. Syftet med denna diskursanalys är att redogöra för de maktrelationer som var rådande under 1980-talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun. Undersökningen ämnar i första hand att lyfta de röster som under 1980- talets skogsbruk i Jokkmokks kommun tystades av de intressegrupper som prioriterade skogens materiella värden. Hur den koloniserade har agerat och reagerat kommer följaktligen att behandlas. Undersökningen påvisar att Jokkmokks kommun blev överexploaterad under 1980-talet vilket kom att skapa maktrelationer mellan skogens intressegrupper. Avverkningarna påverkade både rennäringen och den lokala befolkningen och 1980-talet går således att ses som en fortsatt postkolonial era där en kolonial diskurs är rådande. Undersökningen visar även att det fanns möjlighet att göra motstånd men att de röster som förespråkade skogens immateriella värden försummades. / Forestry has a long history in Sweden and came during the 20th century to end up in a series of conflicts with the interest groups advocating the immaterial values of the forest. The purpose of this discourse analysis is to describe the power relationships that were prevalent during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk. This study primarily focuses on highlighting the voices during the 1980s forestry in the municipality of Jokkmokk who were silenced by groups that prioritize the material values of the forest. How the colonized have acted and reacted will also be discussed. This study shows that the municipality of Jokkmokk became overly exploited in the 1980s which came to create the power relationships between forest interest groups. Felling affected both reindeer herding and the local population and it is possible to speak of the 1980s as a continued post-colonial era where a colonial discourse is prevalent. The survey also shows that it was possible to resist but that the votes in favor of the forest's immaterial values were easily neglected.

A false presence of the colonized female arises within Frantz Fanon's books Peau noire, masques blancs, L'an V de la révolution algérienne, and Les damnés de la terre. Through a close reading of these texts, this thesis aims to locate where these blind spots exist and how they are facilitated by Fanon, while also acknowledging the potential for these exclusions to be accidental. The introduction provides a brief synopsis of Fanon's life and the colonial relations of his time, namely the Algerian revolution. The first chapter deals with how Fanon's language reinforces the female subaltern through silencing, effacement, and stereotypical language. The second chapter concerns the similarities between racial and gendered power relations within his books. In the third chapter, I discuss hierarchies of power and their establishment through gendered binaries. Finally, my concluding chapter posits how addressing these false presences can lead to deeper understanding and interaction with the female subaltern in Fanon's books. / Master of Arts

This thesis is about how space technology is experienced in the social domain and how its purpose is recast from different viewpoints. The author is an artist and the approach taken foregrounds qualities of experience and viewpoint in which artists have a particular investment. This approach opens up the ways that affect, agency and authorship cross social domains that are directly and indirectly associated with the production of space technologies. A key focus is a group project led by the author that was initiated in response to the launch in October 2008 of the Chandrayaan-1 spacecraft by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO). The project took place in Bengaluru, India where the spacecraft was built. Taking the ambivalence that surrounds the uses and purposes of space technologies as a starting point, a description of the spacecraft is developed from a number of viewpoints, including the mission scientists, public media and the participants of the artist-led project. The interventionist strategies of the project shed light on the ways that technologies can be accessed through their imaginaries and this has significance for large-scale technologies, such as spacecraft, for which physical access is delimited and much of the infrastructure is invisible or hidden from public view. The thesis proposes ways of reinstating missed qualities of viewpoint and experience within the affective spaces of space technology through the imperative to articulate first-person engagements with the world that is bound into artistic interpretation. What is further proposed is that by picturing the interrelations and flows of space technology in social domains through the lenses of experience and viewpoint, a 'technographic picture' is created that then becomes available as a tool with which to re-imagine spacefaring. This is a crucial addition to discussions about the interplay between science, technology and society that recognises the intimate spaces at the core of such large-scale concepts. It offers a new transdisciplinary modality that incorporates an artistic approach with which to make sense of the structurally ambivalent pursuits of spacefaring.

Subaltern persons continue to be most negatively impacted by the hegemonic practices of institutions. Subaltern populations are the furthest removed from political agency, not only by the insecurities of their lived experiences, but also by academic and agency discourses that recreate the subaltern political citizen-subject in modes representing the “Other” through lenses of elite scholarship and high theory. The subaltern agent is not present in her own political making. The considerations of social justice require both the underpinnings of a global ethics of caring and a commitment to center the subaltern citizen subject’s account of herself as corresponding privileged record. This paper explores the marginalizing outcomes in the historiography of subaltern studies and defends both ethical cosmopolitanism and participatory democracy as modes that better respect diverse worldviews outside of neoliberal constructions. Advocacy on behalf of subaltern groups must include Community-Based Participatory Research and eco-cultural analysis that give priority to positive near stakeholder goals and outcomes for their communities. Subaltern self-representation is the needed checks and balances for 21st century policy making

This thesis examines the relationships between different nations and cultures in Ivanhoe, The Talisman, Quentin Durward, Anne of Geierstein and Count Robert of Paris using Post-colonial theory. An analysis of Scott’s conception of society in general shows that 18th century Scottish historiography is fundamental to his vision of the world because it forms the basis of his systematization of history, social development and interaction between communities. It also profoundly influences his imagery and descriptions, as well as providing him with a range of stereotypes that he manipulates so skilfully that his great dependence upon them is occulted. Contemporary ideas and his own attitude to the Union of Scotland and England lead him to conceive of nation formation in terms of descent and hybridity. In part, he sees the nation as a community of blood. Yet, his acceptance of the Union means that he also considers it to be a body of different ethnic elements that live together. His use of the 18th century metaphor of family to figure the nation allows him to incorporate heredity and miscegenation into his analysis of national development through father-daughter couples. The father represents traditional culture, and the daughter, the nation’s present and future; her marriage to a foreigner signifying that people of differing descent can cross the nation’s porous borders. Religion is the final frontier: Christian nations cannot absorb non-Christians. Scott sees dominance and subordination as a complex part of human relationships. Apparently-subordinate subjects possess occulted power because their support of the hegemonic is often essential if the latter is to maintain its superiority. While his conception of society in patriarchal terms means that his female characters cannot offer violence to men, he shows that passive resistance is very effective. Through mimicry, the subordinate threatens the power and identity of the dominant. Power is not only conceived of in political terms. In Ivanhoe, Scott reveals the importance of moral stature which allows Rebecca to dominate the work although she is at the bottom of the political and racial hierarchy that structures English society. Scott’s conception of time is fundamental to the manner in which he conceives of the nation. Historical cultural forms are physicalised through chronotopes. Politically subordinate cultures base their actions in the present on pedagogic time, while the dominant ignore their past and live only in the present and the future. He also expresses dominant-subordinate relationships through speed, with time moving quickly for the powerful and slowly for the weak. Time, whether in the form of history, the characters’ perception of it or speed amalgamates all the various elements of Scott’s conception of nationhood into a seamless whole. Cette thèse analyse par le biais la théorie post-coloniale les relations internationales dans Ivanhoe, Quentin Durward, Anne of Geierstein et Count Robert of Paris. Les théories historiques élaborées en Écosse au XVIIIème siècle sont fondamentales dans la vision scottienne parce qu’elles forment la base de la systematisation de l’histoire, du développement sociale et, par conséquent, des relations entre les différentes communités. Ces théories influencent profondement les images qu’il utilise et la façon dont il décrit les caractères et les scènes. De plus, elles lui fournissent une gamme de stéréotypes qu’il manipule très adroitement. Sa conception de la manière dont se forment les nations vient des idées contemporaines et de sa propre expérience de l’union politique de l’Angleterre et de l’Écosse. Il considère la nation comme une communauté fondée sur l’ascendance par le sang mais aussi comme un groupe d’ethnies différentes qui vivent ensemble. Sa description de la nation emprunte à la métaphore de la famille courante au XVIIIième. Celle-ci lui permet d’inclure dans son analyse l’héridité et la mixité au moyen des couples formés par un père et sa fille. Le père représente la culture traditionelle, et la fille, le présent et le futur national. Son marriage avec un étranger signifie que les gens d’ascendance différente peuvent traverser les frontières perméables d’une nation. La religion est la frontière ultime: les nations chrétiennes ne peuvent absorber de non-chrétiens. Scott considère que la domination et la sujetion forment une partie complexe des relations humaines. Les sujets qui paraissent subordonnés possèdent en fait un pouvoir occulte, le dominant ayant besoin de leur soutien pour maintenir sa position. Bien que sa conception patriarcale de la société fasse que les caractères feminins ne manifestent pas d’agression envers les hommes, il montre que la résistance passive est très efficace. En imitant le sujet dominant, le sujet subordonné menace le pouvoir et l’identité de ce dernier. Le pouvoir ne s’exprime pas seulement dans la politique. Rebecca dans Ivanhoe revèle l’importance que revêtent le caractère et la moralité. Bien qu’elle soit au bas de la hiérarchie structurante de la société anglaise, elle domine le roman. La conception que Scott se fait du temps est fondamentale à celle de la nation et de la culture. Au moyen du chronotope, les cultures historiques prennent des formes physiques. Les cultures qui sont subordonnées politiquement basent leur action au présent sur le “temps pédagogique”. Au contraire, le dominant rejette son passé et ne vit qu’au présent et au futur. Les relations entre le pouvoir dominant et le subordonné s’expriment aussi par la vitesse: le temps passe vite pour les puissants, mais lentement pour les faibles. En définitive, tous les éléments de la conception scottienne de la nation sont liés au temps, qu’il s’agisse de l’histoire, de perception par les caractères, ou de la vitesse.

Este trabalho discute as possibilidades de construção de ações emancipatórias frente às imposições hegemônicas. Para tanto, buscou-se compreender as práticas construídas nas ambiências das classes subalternas, em especial sua relação com o espaço no contexto da cidade. Tal relação foi discutida a partir do entendimento da comunicação e cultura como campo investigativo e da consideração do espaço como eixo articulador das novas subjetividades subalternas. Ao tomar como objeto de estudo o trabalho realizado pela Rede Livre Leste, o que se buscou, nesta pesquisa, foi mapear aspectos das novas subjetividades subalternas, analisando suas práticas culturais e seus processos comunicativos. Assim, avaliaram-se as potencialidades de constituição de novos fluxos emancipatórios diante da imposição das forças hegemônicas, ou seja, procurou-se estimar a viabilidade da constituição de espacialidades subalternas. / This paper discussed about the possibilities of the constructions of emancipatory actions before the hegemonic impositions in understanding the practices built in the ambiences of subaltern classes, especially its relationship with espace in the city context. These relationships have been discussed from the understanding of communication and culture as investigative field and taking into account the espace as the articulator central line of the new subaltern subjectivities. By taking as the study aim the work done by Rede Livre Leste, this paper aimed to map the aspects of the new subaltern subjectivities, analysing its cultural practices and its communicative processes to evaluate the potentialities of constitution of new emancipatory flows before the imposition of the hegemonic forces, that is, it was attempted to estimate the viability of the constitution of the subaltern spatialities.

A elaboração deste trabalho foi motivada pela percepção de que as vozes de indivíduos subalternizados, embora muitas vezes explicitadas no texto literário, passam freqüentemente despercebidas no processo analítico desses textos. A crença de que isto se deve não a uma negligência preconcebida, mas antes a uma colonização das [nossas] perspectivas cognitivas (QUIJANO, 2005, p.237), motivou-nos, conseqüentemente, a realizar um trabalho de natureza propositiva. Um trabalho, cabe dizer, que torne legível, para o estudioso de literatura, um arcabouço teórico capaz de auxiliá-lo na estruturação de análises literárias que abracem uma perspectiva descolonizada. E que assim sendo, auxilie o leitor e/ou crítico literário a transcender o enfoque dado à caracterização da opressão que demarca a existência subalternizada, ao potencializar a atenção para com as estratégias de resistência postas em movimento, pelo indivíduo marginalizado, para garantir as condições necessárias à sua sobrevivência. Desse modo, e entendendo a desconstrução das subalternidades como opção ético-políticoepistemológica, tratamos de recuperar a perspectiva bakhtiniana do outro; os conceitos de Relação e de Crioulização, propostos por Édouard Glissant; as reflexões sobre o homo situs e os sítios simbólicos de pertencimento, elaboradas por Hassan Zaoual; e a razão cosmopolita proposta por Boaventura de Sousa Santos. Isto se deu, porque o consenso intelectual percebido nos textos teóricos considerados quanto à existência, à capacidade e ao valor do papel de pessoas historicamente outremizadas mostrou-se adequado ao modelo teórico que desejávamos propor. Mas também porque nossa intenção era a de somar em conjunto os esforços das diferentes disciplinas acadêmicas, para interpretar e documentar diferenças e construir pontos de vista plurais (DIAS, 1998, p.128). Cumpre, ainda, dizer que o desenvolvimento desta dissertação se apoiou no intuito de contribuir para com a difusão da noção de existência subalterna, memoravelmente trabalhada por Spivak nos anos 1980, e recentemente transcendida por pesquisadores latino-americanos, quando se atêm ao exame da colonialidade do poder e de uma geopolítica do conhecimento, e por intelectuais portugueses ao considerarem os estudos e movimentos desenvolvidos a partir do Sul Global. / By recognizing that the voices of subaltern characters were often overlooked in the study of literary texts, we decided to carry out a theoretical work that could assist the student of literature to structure his/her literary analysis by following a decolonized perspective. We wanted the scholar of literature to transcend the focus on the characterization of the oppression that marks the subaltern existence by paying more attention to the strategies of resistance carried out by marginalized individuals in a way to ensure the necessary conditions for their survival. Thus, we decide to consider the Bakhtinian perspective of the other; the concepts of Relation and of Creolization, considered by Edouard Glissant; the concepts of homo situs and of symbolic sites of belonging, developed by Hassan Zaoual, and the idea of a cosmopolitan reason, as it is proposed by Boaventura de Sousa Santos. This was done because the intellectual consensus revealed in these texts, regarding the existence, the capacity and the value of the role of subaltern people was adequate to the theoretical model that we wanted to propose. It is also important to mention that the development of this work contributed to the diffusion of the concept of subaltern existence, remarkably crafted by Spivak in 1980s, and recently surpassed by Latin American researchers, when they stick to the examination of the coloniality of power and of a geopolitics of knowledge, and by Portuguese intellectuals when they tend to consider the studies and the resistance movements developed from the South.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROSANGELA BUJOKAS SIQUEIRA.pdf: 3926340 bytes, checksum: 1a3ab0b6ca51a4aca7f6d4e9ad4c2e92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-07 / In Brazil, conflicts involving traditional peoples and communities date back to the period of colonization, considering the various ethnic groups and enslaved blacks. The political-economic options adopted in the development of capitalism in the country shaped, over time, a structural scenario marked by land concentration and dependence on external capital, sustaining high levels of social inequality and environmental impacts. This process also acted to annul the existence of the various peoples, their territories and traditional knowledge. The struggles for land, as an expression of the conflicts between social classes, added to the environmental agenda forged the traditional peoples and communities as one of the political subjects of the subaltern classes in the country. Articulated in social movements, these peoples place themselves in the scenario of disputes for hegemony, questioning the hegemonic model of capital. In line with the national context, in 2008, in Paraná, the Puxirão Network of Traditional Peoples and Communities was founded, a collective that brings together a diversity of ethnic social groups and a struggle for recognition, rights and public policies. With this, the general objective of this thesis is: to analyze the Puxirão Network of Traditional Peoples and Communities as a possibility of dispute of political hegemony in the relations with the State in Paraná, between 2007 and 2015. The following questions are encouraged by the Rede Puxirão de Are Traditional Peoples and Communities a social movement? Does this collective have a socio-political project? If yes, how did the construction of the same? 3. Will the Puxirão Network have the strength to compete for political hegemony in Paraná? The study, with an interdisciplinary nature, has a qualitative nature, counted on bibliographical and documentary researches, with systematic observation of semi-structured meetings and interviews (with representatives of the Network and state agents). The data were interpreted from the thematic content analysis. The thesis is organized in four chapters, the first two construct the conceptual framework of analysis, based on the Gramscian perspective, and present theoretical categories such as hegemony / against hegemony, state and civil society, class struggles, subaltern classes, social movements. The Brazilian scenario and the territorial disputes involving the fighting classes are also discussed in these chapters. The last two are in the empirical universe, through the experience of this Network and its relationship with the State. Data were interpreted through the following thematic categories of analysis - Weaving the Network: articulation of subaltern ethnic social groups in Paraná; In the "fight" we learn: a new look at the situation of subalternity experienced by ethnic social groups in Paraná; The "life" project and the "death" project: elements for the construction of a socio-political project against hegemonic; Relation with the State: some progress and much difficulty. In summary, the results of the research demonstrate that the Puxirão Network has contributed to the traditional peoples of Paraná being placed in an anti-hegemonic way in the field of political disputes, but today's conjuncture demands that their forms of mobilization be reinvented, strengthening their bases in society Occupy positions at the state level. / No Brasil, os conflitos envolvendo os povos e comunidades tradicionais datam do período da colonização, considerando as diversas etnias indígenas e os negros escravizados. As opções político-econômicas adotadas no desenvolvimento do capitalismo no país configuraram, ao longo do tempo, um cenário estrutural marcado pela concentração fundiária e dependência do capital externo, sustentando altos índices de desigualdade social e impactos ambientais. Esse processo agiu também para anular a existência dos diversos povos, de seus territórios e saberes tradicionais. As lutas pela terra, como uma expressão dos conflitos entre as classes sociais, somadas a pauta ambiental forjaram os povos e comunidades tradicionais como mais um dos sujeitos políticos das classes subalternas no país. Articulados em movimentos sociais, estes povos se colocam no cenário das disputas por hegemonia, questionando o modelo hegemônico do capital. Em consonância com a conjuntura nacional, em 2008, no Paraná, foi fundada a Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais, coletivo que agrega uma diversidade de grupos sociais étnicos e luta por reconhecimento, direitos e políticas públicas. Com isso, o objetivo geral desta tese é: analisar a Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais como possibilidade de disputa de hegemonia política nas relações com o Estado no Paraná, entre 2007 – 2015. Animam a pesquisa as seguintes questões: A Rede Puxirão de Povos e Comunidades Tradicionais constitui-se como movimento social? Este coletivo tem projeto sociopolítico? Se sim, como se deu a construção do mesmo? 3. A Rede Puxirão tem força para disputar hegemonia política no Paraná? O estudo, de caráter interdisciplinar, possui natureza qualitativa, contou com as pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, com observação sistemática de reuniões e entrevistas semiestruturadas (com representantes da Rede e de agentes estatais). Os dados foram interpretados a partir da análise de conteúdo temática. A tese está organizada em quatro capítulos, os dois primeiros constroem o arcabouço conceitual de análise, fundamentado na perspectiva gramsciana, e apresentam categorias teóricas como hegemonia/contra hegemonia, Estado e sociedade civil, lutas de classes, classes subalternas, movimentos sociais. O cenário brasileiro e as disputas territoriais envolvendo as classes em luta também são discutidos nestes capítulos. Já os dois últimos se detêm no universo empírico, através da experiência desta Rede e de sua relação com o Estado. Os dados foram interpretados através das seguintes categorias temáticas de análise – Tecendo a Rede: articulação dos grupos sociais étnicos subalternos no Paraná; Na “peleia” a gente aprende: um novo olhar para a situação de subalternidade vivenciada pelos grupos sociais étnicos no Paraná; O projeto de “vida” e o projeto de “morte”: elementos para a construção de um projeto sociopolítico contra hegemônico; Relação com o Estado: alguns avanços e muita dificuldade. Em síntese, os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que a Rede Puxirão tem contribuído para que os povos tradicionais do Paraná se coloquem de forma contra hegemônica no campo das disputas políticas, mas atual conjuntura exige que suas formas de mobilização sejam reinventadas, fortalecendo suas bases na sociedade civil e ocupando posições no âmbito estatal.

[pt] A dissertação procura mapear a cultura de favela que se expandiu na década de 90, sondando as manifestações artísticas produzidas nas favelas. Através de obras de três autores, Carolina de Jesus, Paulo Lins e Luiz Paulo Corrêa e Castro, desenvolve o conceito de literatura de favela, identificando as tipologias recorrentes de favelainferno e favela-idílio na produção literária que dialoga com a temática da favela. / [en] The dissertation maps the culture of the favelas, greatly expanded during the 90´s, focusing on their artistic manifestations. Through the works of three authors, Carolina de Jesus, Paulo Lins and Luiz Paulo Corrêa e Castro, we explore the concept of favela literature and identify a binary typology (favela-inferno / favela-idílio) in the literary production that dialogues with the favela.