The study insists on understanding the miscarriage of “Pan-Africanism” and the role of “African” mentality with the help of Fanon’s psychoanalysis “Black Skin, White Mask,” exemplifying the immense colonial, slavery, and apartheid psychological damages experienced by Black individuals resulting Blacks/Africans self-hate and a desire to be “white” throughout the domain of Western culture, ideology, and language. To provide accurate analysis of the “Pan-African” failure to solve increasing blacks-hate-against-blacks/xenophobia in South Africa, concepts othering, mimicry, subaltern from the critical theory (postcolonialism) were applied. Thereupon, Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis relying on the theoretical concepts were conducted, which underlined how the mimicry process makes Africa's interaction an elite-driven one, oppressing African/subaltern citizens. The findings showed a need for "Black-Consciousness" and Nkrumah's “Pan-African” vision (African unification) to end colonial-mentality generating collective subordination of Subaltern/Africans. Generally, the use of Fanon’s psycho-social analysis has shown that the generational oppression, trauma, and cultural stereotypes continue to robotize and dictate African leaders and the African Union's favoritism of Western “neo-liberal” policies. It is summarized that the “Pan-African” failure is a failure of gradual unconscious “Pan-Africanists” who pledge allegiance to “Western” policies rather than rededicating themselves to durable Radical “Pan-Africanism” which is an antidote to Africa’s self-hate/xenophobia, neo-colonialism, and the robotization of unconscious Africans.

In 1898, H G Wells published The War of the Worlds, a scathing indictment of colonialism from the perspective of the colonized. The following year, Rudyard Kipling penned The White Man’s Burden, describing colonial conquest as driven by duty, for the sake of the subjugated. They shared a vantage point from the literary pedestal of fin-de-siècle London, but what they saw was very different.            The War of the Worlds can be read as an allegory of colonialism where the tables are turned and the colonial masters are suddenly exposed to a ruthless and technologically superior power. What can be inferred about the Martians’ motives? Can they be perceived as driven by duty, by wishing to take care of or serve their captives’ needs? With the information provided in the The War of the Worlds, could a Martian Kipling write “The Green Man’s Burden” to motivate the invasion of the Earth?           Using postcolonial tools of analysis, this essay digs into the britishness of Wells’ colonizers and colonized, as well as into the britishness of Wells’ own perspective. Some postcolonial theorists argue that representatives of the colonial powers cannot represent the subjugated. Does his background and nationality disqualify Wells to describe the effects of colonialism? I argue that it does not. Staying in the social space of the West helped Wells erode the ideology of colonialism by tailoring it to be received and understood by his target audience, his contemporary countrymen.

It was my first visit ever to the neighborhood association – in February 2017 – and the phone rang again in the contiguous room. “I’m sorry” apologized José Luis “but our colleagues are not here yet and I need to answer the phone”. Manolo, who stayed with me, responded to my curious look: “we just sent the monthly invoice of the cooperative committee of funerals and this month is higher than usual. Three people died only last week. The neighbors are calling to check if the invoice is right, and some of them are trying to postpone the payment. But we try not to do exceptions, it’s the only way to keep working”. When José Luis came back, they both explained to me what exactly was the cooperative committee of funerals. Facing an increase in the number of deceased people and the high expense that is usually incurred by families in burial services, in 1987 the neighborhood association came up with the idea of creating a group of people that would share those costs. The project, though, would only make sense with widespread support from the community. Despite the strict age limit of 50 years old, almost 4.000 people responded when the call was launched, and the number of associates has remained steady through the years. This anecdote reflects very well the identity of the Can Sant Joan community, to which José Luis and Manolo passionately introduced me during that first meeting. The two men talked straight about the many social and environmental problems that the neighborhood had faced during the years and the ways in which the community had organized to confront them. Yet, they did not speak in a plaintive way, their speech challenged corporate and institutional power and claimed fearlessly for social justice. The Can Sant Joan community – not unlike many others in the Vallès region – has faced many adversities of different kind since its very creation, but its inhabitants have always confronted them and have restlessly fought for improving the living conditions in the neighborhood. Can Sant Joan stands out among other sacrifice zones in the Vallès area because of the long list of locally unwanted land uses that is burdened with, but especially because of its strong subaltern identity that has led the community to partially revert their condition. My research is grounded on the acknowledgment of Can Sant Joan’s environmental and social burdens, as a representation of all those communities around the world whose livelihoods are contaminated and impoverished in the name of neoliberal capitalism, and especially to those that decide to stand up and fight against power inequalities and social injustices. I foresee my research not just as an intellectual exercise, but as a process grounded in real life experiences of contamination and neglect that ultimately seeks to make a difference in the community, where it starts. This study is, thus, a transdisciplinary – almost antidisciplinary – piece where different disciplines with ambitions of challenging the sociopolitical status quo in order to achieve social and environmental justice intertwine. My research is built on existing literature in the fields of subaltern environmentalism – and other forms alternative environmentalism – political ecology and environmental humanities. Much have been written about polluted communities in different fields, but there are still crucial gaps that need to be filled. My ambitions are to better understand the sociopolitical processes that lead to the creation of sacrifice zones, to expand the definition of violence by uncovering different forms of slow violence that take place in them, to analyze the environmental movements embraced by affected communities, and to evaluate the potential benefits 1 that a subaltern environmental movement could have to those communities. The outcome of my research will be shared with the movement against waste incineration of Can Sant Joan and with the community in an attempt to realize the main aspiration of my research: to inform and enhance the activist movement in the neighborhood. This will be done by co-organizing at least one public event in the neighborhood together with members of the movement against incineration, in which the outcomes of my research will be presented to the local audience. Additionally, I keep personal relationship with the key informants, who have been integrated in the activist-scholar circle of the KTH Environmental Humanities Laboratory. If successful, this study could be the first stage of an action research in which local activists would not only be treated as a group of study, but their needs and actions would reframe the questions and scope of my research. In turn, the local movement against incineration would make use of the research outcomes in order to reach its goal, eventually creating a symbiotic feedback process potentially fruitful for both parts. This study is organized in seven chapters and six interludes. In chapter 2 I present the rationale behind the choice of case study as a research methodology, introduce the writer to the case study design, and share the ethical considerations at stake. Chapter 3 contains the theoretical toolbox where I conduct a literature review of the material that serves as theoretical frame for this study. I start with different visions on subalternity to later define subaltern environmentalism, and pointing out to some commonalities among different forms of alternative environmentalism. Then, I explore the concept of sacrifice zone and present the street science process that is being used by affected communities in order to uncover the infliction of slow violence in a variety of forms. In chapter 4 I introduce the reader to the case study through a short historical revision of the origins of Can Sant Joan and the development of the neighborhood until our days. Thereafter I thoroughly analyze the socio-political positionality of the community in different terms to verify if Can Sant Joan is a subaltern community. Chapter 5 is dedicated to discussing the neighborhood of Can Sant Joan as a sacrifice zone, as well as different forms of slow violence that the community has suffered. First, I revise the long list of locally unwanted land uses (LULUs) that the community has been burdened with and uncover a pattern based on political criteria for the placing of those LULUs. Thereupon, I analyze the different forms of slow violence that Can Sant Joan is being inflicted, including environmental, structural and narrative violence. In chapter 6, I document the movement against waste incineration in the cement plant that is taking place in Can Sant Joan, present the main forms of activism that the movement is using, and discuss the features that make it fit into the frame of subaltern environmentalism. Then, I discuss the central role of street science and forming coalitions: while the former is used to contest narrative violence and legitimize the claims of the community, the latter enhances public visibility and helps to forge a common subaltern identity that goes beyond the borders of the neighborhood. The study concludes with chapter 7, where I summarize the outcomes of this thesis by answering the research questions posed in chapter 2. Finally, I briefly present potential future research in Can Sant Joan that could keep contributing to the mobilized scholarly fields and to the movement against incineration as well, and close with a short update of the last months of struggle. The study is complemented with a series of six 2 interludes inspired by the Toxic Bios1 project, which compiles in an interactive open access online platform toxic autobiographies from communities affected by environmental injustices in several European countries and beyond. In the interludes the scale of the unit of analysis shifts from the community of Can Sant Joan to the individuals affected by the studied phenomena and thus, I use storytelling in order to complement my research with insights from a different perspective. In the first interlude, I highlight the importance that bodily experiences of toxicity can have in contesting narrative violence through toxic storytelling and I discuss the new guerrilla narrative methodology. The rest of the interludes comprise six toxic autobiographies by six different members of the local community that are to different extents active in the movement against waste incineration in Can Sant Joan.

The rights of the Sámi; Sweden’s indigenous people, have long been a subject of debate. As part of Sweden’s Climate Act and implementation of the 2030 Agenda, Sweden is currently in the midst of an extensive expansion of wind power where a large proportion of the wind turbines will be located in Sápmi. However, the initiative has already faced strong local opposition leading to various conflicts, in particular between authorities, companies and Sámi villages. The purpose of this master’s thesis is to examine how the ongoing debate regarding wind power in Sápmi is expressed in the Swedish media and the different perspectives, rights and voices highlighted in relation to sustainability and decision-making processes. More specifically, this essay aims to explore the arguments related to the large-scale expansion of wind power in Sápmi, presented by the various actors in the debate. The research material, which consists of ten (10) different argumentative texts in the form of debate articles and submissions from the Swedish daily press, is analyzed using an argumentation analysis. Through the application of postcolonialism and recognition as a theoretical framework, the study also explores the inherent power relations within the wind power conflict. The study concludes that the Swedish media debate regarding wind power in Sápmi roughly boils down to the question of whether the measures taken in the name of the green transition should promote economic benefits or the survival of reindeer husbandry. Finally, a discrepancy between theory and practice regarding the Swedish government's respect for Sámi rights can be identified. The essay is written in Swedish.

No description available.

This netnography depicts the notions of India’s subaltern voices entering the public via social media. The study puts an emphasis on feminists and caste critics, divided into two case studies. The study witnessed dynamics of Twitter use between sociality and activism as well as the notions of performance and identity of these two intersecting, yet polarised groups.Privilege remains a governing factor, which regulates access, accessibility and the use of the subaltern sphere and makes it exclusive for a privileged group of the subaltern. The main benefits of Twitter in the subaltern sphere, as the study suggests, is the factor of sociality and networking around causes, which leads to peer dialogue in the public sphere and increases visibility. This eventually leads to more attention for certain causes in the public discourse and to the countering of mainstream media narratives, for example in the case study of the Dalit Lives Matter Movement and its ad hoc fame, which evolved after the suicide of the Dalit PhD scholar Rohith Vemula.Further, while online activism is present, its impact remains hard to measure. The main benefits of the space are the plurality of voices that inhabit it. Also, the unleashing of the counter­narratives towards the mainstream media that are even more controlled by the state than the new media landscape, is an important benefit.

This study aims to investigate the representation of the region Tornedalen and tornedalians, a Swedish minority, in national news media through a critical discourse analysis. Despite being recognized as a national minority, tornedalians have reported a lack of media coverage, which can lead to feelings of invisibility and discrimination. News media has a significant impact on what we discuss and think about, and they have the responsibility to provide a broad representation of society, including its diversity. However, historically, minority groups have been overlooked or devalued in news media, which can have consequences for marginalized groups lacking significant power, including minorities. Therefore, this study seeks to deepen the understanding of the media’s impact on society’s perception of the minority. The study analyzes how power structures and ideologies shape their representation, interpreted from a post-structuralist perspective, using concepts such as producers/consumers, positioning, otherness, subaltern, and cultural identity. The study’s findings suggest that Tornedalen is often represented as a peripheral and exoticized place, reinforcing the idea of a homogeneous Swedish identity. Tornedalians are often positioned as “the other” with their cultural practices and language being portrayed as inferior or irrelevant. Journalistic practices play a crucial role in shaping knowledge and understanding of minority groups such as tornedalians, and the study highlights the need for news media to provide a more diverse and accurate representation of society. The study also suggests areas for further research, such as investigating how different audiences interpret and react to news articles, and how Tornedalen and tornedalians are represented in public service media. Overall, this study contributes to the understanding of how news media shapes society’s perception of minorities and highlights the importance of providing a diverse and accurate representation of society.

Postkoloniale Theorie bezeichnet ein breites Spektrum theoretischer Zugänge zu und kritischer Auseinandersetzungen mit historischen und gegenwärtigen Machtverhältnissen, die im Zusammenhang mit dem europäischen Kolonialismus und seinen bis heute währenden Fortschreibungen stehen. Als Gründungsdokument postkolonialer Theorie gilt Edward Saids Studie „Orientalism“ (1978). Postkoloniale feministische Theorie fokussiert auf die Situation von Frauen bzw. auf vergeschlechtlichte Identitäten in (neo-)kolonialen Settings. Neben der Konstruktion von Gender und Geschlechterrollen sind Sexualität und Begehren wichtige Topoi postkolonialer Theorie. Ein weiteres Themenfeld stellt die Dekonstruktion eurozentrischen / westlichen Wissens dar.

Cette thèse est une étude des groupes subalternes en Amérique Latine qui se concentre principalement sur l’examen de la production littéraire que ces groupes ont inspirée mais aussi sur les tensions sociales, idéologiques et culturelles dérivées de leur présence au sein d’une nation. Ces groupes qu’on va identifier méthodologiquement comme étant des Groupes Subalternes sont apparus dans le panorama littéraire et politique d’une manière peu habituelle, plus par leur négativité en relation au projet moderne d’institutionnalisation positiviste que par les particularités de leur culture. Néanmoins, ils sont devenus, par la suite, le symbole iconographique de l’identité nationale de leurs pays respectifs. Ces groupes qui, par définition, étaient destinés à sombrer dans l’oubli historique sont devenus plus tard les protagonistes des «guiding fictions» de la formation d’une conscience d’unité nationale. Les textes qui seront examinés au cours de cette recherche sont ceux qui montrent de manière paradigmatique la réalité et les modes d’existence de ces populations qui ont été caractérisées par leur négativité par rapport aux normes de la pensée hégémonique moderne dans l’espace socio-culturelle et -politique de l’Amérique latine. Ces textes nous montrent une déviation dans l’évolution historico-discursive de la vision que les artisans idéologiques des États-nation naissants ont voulu imposer sur ces groupes vers la fin du XIX e. Dans cette étude, on analysera deux exemples paradigmatiques : celui de la communauté de Canudos au Brésil, à travers le texte « Os Sertões » d’Euclides Da Cunha, et celui des gauchos de l’Argentine, à travers l’examen du texte « El Martin Fierro » de Jose Hernandez. Dans la première partie de cette thèse on dessine, à grands traits, les repères historiques et socio-politiques des idéologies qui ont abouti au processus de modernisation de l’Amérique latine. On propose, au même temps, quelques concepts critiques vis-à-vis de l’analyse des groupes subalternes. Dans les chapitres suivants, on procède à une lecture attentive des textes mentionnés plus haut, tout en considérant, à la fois, la nécessité de cette analyse, la difficulté des problèmes et la nature de notre propos. On explique aussi la place qu’occupent les groupes subalternes dans la représentation littéraire de leur pays d’origine et l’impact qu’ils ont eu dans la formation de l’imaginaire national. En réfléchissant sur les données engendrées lors de l’analyse, la conclusion de la thèse aborde les conséquences épistémologique et idéologique provoquées par le régime discursif de l’État-nation latino-américain. / This dissertation represents a study of subaltern groups in Latin America focusing mainly on the study of the literary production that these groups inspired but also on the social, ideological and cultural tensions derived from their presence within a nation. These groups, which I identify methodologically as Subaltern Groups, appeared in the literary and political panorama in an uncommon way, originating more from their negativity in relation to the modern project of positivist institutionalization than through the distinct characteristics of their culture. Nevertheless, they went on to become the iconographical symbol of national identity in their respective countries. Although, by definition destined to be forgotten historically, they later became protagonists of the “guiding fictions” forming an awareness of national unity. The texts chosen for review in this research project reveal, paradigmatically, the reality and modalities of existence of these communities, characterised by their negativity in relation to the norms of modern hegemonic thought within the socio-cultural and political space of Latin America. These texts reveal a deviation in the course of the countries’ historical-discursive evolution with regards to the vision that the new Nation-states’ ideological artisans wished to impose on these groups at the end of the 19th century. In this study, two paradigmatic examples are analysed: that of the Canudos community in Brazil presented in Da Cunha’s Os sertões and that of the gauchos in Argentina, as portrayed in José Hernández’. The first part of this thesis gives a general outline of the historical and socio-political references corresponding to the ideologies that lead to the modernisation of Latin America. I also put forward critical concepts the analysis of subaltern groups. In the following chapters, I proceed with a close reading of the above-mentioned texts, while considering, at the same time, the necessity of this analysis, the inherent challenges related to the problems as well as the nature of the subject. In this context, the thesis also characterizes the place that subaltern groups hold in the literary representations of their own countries as well as the impact that have had on the development of their nation’s collective imaginary. By reflecting on the data generated by the analysis, the conclusion of this thesis addresses the epistemological and ideological consequences caused by the discursive regime of the Latin-American Nation-state. / Esta tesis consiste en un estudio de los grupos subalternos en Latinoamérica que se focaliza principalmente en el examen de la producción literaria que esos grupos inspiraron, pero también en las tensiones sociales, ideológicas y culturales derivadas de su presencia en el seno de una nación. Esos grupos que denominamos metodológicamente Grupos Subalternos surgieron en el ámbito político y literario de una manera poco común, más por su negatividad en relación con el proyecto de institucionalización positivista que por las particularidades de su cultura. Sin embargo, luego se convirtieron en el símbolo iconográfico de la identidad nacional de sus respectivos países. Esos grupos que por definición estaban destinados al olvido histórico lograron, no obstante convertirse luego en los protagonistas de las “guiding fictions” para la formación de una consciencia de unidad nacional. Los textos que se examinarán en esta investigación son aquellos que muestran de manera paradigmática la realidad y los modos de existencia de esas poblaciones que se caracterizaron por su negatividad con respecto a las normas del pensamiento hegemónico moderno dentro del espacio socio-político-cultural de Latinoamérica. Esos textos ponen a la vista una desviación en la evolución histórico-discursiva de la visión que los artesanos ideológicos de los Estados nación nacientes desearon imponer a esos grupos hacia finales del siglo XIX. En este estudio, se analizarán dos ejemplos paradigmáticos: el de la comunidad de Canudos en Brasil, a través del texto « Os sertoes » de Euclides Da Cunha y el de los gauchos de Argentina, a través del examen de « El Martin Fierro » de José Hernández. En la primera parte de esta tesis, se hará mención a grandes rasgos de los puntos de referencia históricos y socio-políticos de las ideologías que desembocaron en el proceso de modernización de Latinoamérica. Simultáneamente, se proponen algunos conceptos críticos con respecto al análisis de los grupos subalternos. En los capítulos subsiguientes, se procederá a una lectura atenta de los textos antes mencionados, considerando al mismo tiempo la necesidad de este análisis, la dificultad de los problemas y la naturaleza de nuestro tema. Además se explicará el lugar que ocupan los grupos subalternos en la representación literaria de sus países de origen y el impacto que ejercieron en la construcción del imaginario nacional. Al reflexionar sobre los datos generados durante el estudio, la conclusión de la tesis aborda las consecuencias epistemológicas e ideológicas provocadas por el régimen discursivo del Estado-nación latinoamericano.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.