In this thesis, it has been aimed to analyse the efforts undertaken by the European Union (EU) to stimulate and enhance Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM) in the European coastal zone, within the context of the EU Environmental Policy. ICZM was formally accepted in the international community during the 1990s as an alternative to traditional sectoral coastal zone management approaches. It aims to establish an integrated management mechanism among different sectors to minimise resource use conflicts in coastal zones. Sustainable development constitutes the underlying idea of ICZM, the overall goal of which is to achieve sustainable development in coastal zones. Therefore, ICZM is founded on the internationally accepted principles of sustainable development. Chapter 17 of Agenda 21, which is a formal output of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, made an explicit statement of the need for integrated management of coastal and ocean areas to achieve their sustainability and called the participating nations to take the necessary steps. The EU, being at the forefront of such international developments and embraced sustainable development as a broader policy objective, is devoted to take concerted action in terms of protecting the European coastal zone and fostering ICZM action at the EU and the Member States (MSs) level. Since the early 1990s, the EU institutions began to put substantial effort to achieve this goal, and initiated dedicated actions. Those existing and the foreseen EU actions are elaborated within the context of this thesis. For the time being, the EU ICZM action is a flexible one without a regulatory binding instrument for ICZM. The ongoing EU ICZM action is based upon the existing EU policies and legislation. Within this framework, the central aim of the EU is laid down as to ensure the coordination and integration of these diversified policy objectives and legislative instruments to contribute to sustainable management of the European coastal zone. Since they constitute the backbone of the current EU ICZM efforts, those policies and legislation are also investigated within the scope of this study. This thesis accentuates the importance of concerted EU action in terms of stimulating ICZM action in Europe and the probability of a future EU level devotion towards a more regulatory approach in the longer term.

Comment interpréter la clause d’identité nationale, insérée par le Traité de Maastricht au sein du Traité sur l’Union européenne ? Dans sa version courte, elle prévoit que « l’Union respecte l’identité nationale de ses États membres ». La présente étude, centrée sur l’interprétation socioculturelle de la clause, se propose d’examiner sa portée juridique. En la matière, il apparaît que l’intégration européenne entretient un rapport ambivalent avec l’identité collective : si elle encadre juridiquement la façon dont les États membres définissent leur identité nationale – principe de leur unité –, elle ne tend pas à instaurer une identité européenne substitutive, interrogeant par là même les fondements de la démocratie européenne. Dans le mouvement inverse, les identités nationales des États membres ont aussi un impact sur le processus d’intégration : elles constituent une limite matérielle, bien qu’imprécise, à l’intégration économique et politique européenne. Agissant faiblement dans la répartition des compétences entre l’UE et les États membres, l’identité nationale des États membres représente en revanche un frein puissant à la démocratisation de l’UE. Il s’agit là d’un des défis majeurs de la construction européenne : si elle s’oriente dans le sens d’une intégration politique, elle supposera de conceptualiser les fondements d’une démocratie non nationale. A cette fin, dans le contexte européen et sur le plan juridique, en tant que clause d’articulation entre l’universel et le particulier, la clause d’identité nationale gagnerait à être précisée dans son contenu socioculturel et à œuvrer davantage en tant que principe régissant la délimitation des compétences de l’UE. / How should the clause of national identity, inserted by the Maastricht Treaty within the Treaty on European Union, be understood? In its shorter version, this clause provides that “the Union shall respect the national identities of its Member States”. This study, focused on the sociocultural interpretation of the clause, proposes to examine its legal scope. In that matter, the European integration maintains an ambivalent relationship with collective identity: while circumscribing legally the way that the Member States define their own national identity – the principle of their unity –, it is not aimed at establishing a European substitutive identity, and this statement raises the question of the founding principles of the European democracy. In the opposite movement, the national identities of the Member States also have an impact on the integration process: they represent a substantive limit, though imprecise, to the economic and political integration. Having a weak incidence on the division of competence between the EU and the Member States, the national identity of the Member States constitutes in contrast a powerful obstacle to the democratization of the EU. This is precisely one of the major challenges of the European construction: if it follows the political path of integration, it will require the conceptualization of the grounds of a multinational democracy. For this purpose, in the European context and from a legal point of view, as a clause of articulation between the universal and the particular, the clause of national identity would deserve to be specified in its sociocultural content and to be used as a principle guiding the delimitation of competence of the EU.

La Constitution portugaise établit une vaste autonomie locale aux autarcies locales au sein de l'organisation étatique. Elle crée un intérêt local propre à chaque autarcie locale qui coexiste avec l'intérêt général car il bénéficie de la protection de la Constitution. L'intérêt local autarcique est un intérêt autonome. Sa représentation appartient à chaque autarcie locale. La municipalité se distingue parmi les autarcies locales par l'importance de ses compétences et par la singularité de son fonctionnement. Ses deux organes sont élus directement créant une tension quant à leur légitimité démocratique, bien que la Constitution établisse que la Chambre municipale répond devant l'assemblée. Selon la Constitution, l'exécutif municipal est un organe collégial élut proportionnellement et son président est le premier candidat de la liste la plus votée. Il est de fait un organe, bien que la Constitution de la loi ne le reconnaisse pas comme tel. Ses compétences propres sont vastes mais trois de ses compétences font la différence. Elles lui donnent une suprématie sur l'organe qui empêche son fonctionnement collégial. / The Portuguese Constitution grants a large autonomy to the local communities in the context of the State organisation. The Constitution recognizes a local interest regarding each local community, which exists alongside with the general interest and under the protection of the Constitution. The autarchy's interest is autonomous. The municipality bas a prominent role in the autarchy's organisation because of its competences and its singular functioning. Both organs are directly elected witch creates tension concerning their democratic legitimacy although the Constitution stipu1ates that the executive is accountable before the assembly. The Portuguese Constitution states that the municipal executive operates collectively, is elected by a proportional system and bas a president that is the first candidate in the most voted list. In fact, the Constitution and the law do not recognise him as an organ. Although he has vast competences, three of those competences make all the difference. They block the organ from operating collectively.

The work examines the prospects of the welfare state in the light of globalization on the basis of literature. It seeks to outline the development of the welfare state and its future in the form of a global world. This similarity implies specific issues. These issues include the question of solidarity, subsidiarity and justice. The first chapter deals with terms, history and typology of the welfare state. The second chapter deals with the functions of the welfare state and the interconnection of the Czech welfare state with European Union. The third chapter is devoted to justice, solidarity, subsidiarity and participation, the principles of the welfare state. The fourth chapter discusses the typology of welfare state according to Spieker. The fifth chapter outlines the perspective of the welfare state in terms of modernization, prosperity and future. The sixth chapter is devoted to global welfare state. By combining all the chapters, we created a comprehensive view of the prospects of the welfare state in the light of globalization.

The aim of the paper is to analyze changes in the attitude of governments and major political actors towards seniors as a specific social group; their interests, quality of life, and projected dignity. The paper describes political ideologies, retirement systems, and pension plans. It aims to capture the perceptions of the life needs and human dignity of seniors that underscore major decisions, and to explain how these perceptions have changed in the past decade. How sensivitity to basic ethical principles has evolved and how these principles have been permeated by purpose-rational expectations (political influence, economic prosperity). The paper tries to describe the prospects of applying ethical principles in current political practice in relation to seniors and to addressing their needs.

T h e project deals with adopting children from a distance in India and the assessment of the righteousness of the process from an ethical perspective. The first part introduces current India from a political, cultural, and religious perspective. The second part focuses on the introduction of the adoption from a distance process and evaluates the suitability and purposefulness of the individual parts of the project. The third part deals with the terms of righteousness and suitability of such adoption from a catholic perspective, where we also find the justification of the ethical part of the process. Such justification is later described in the description of Caritas in the threefold service to the church. following, you will find the incorporation of the human being into the social teachings of the church and the situational ethics. The project later focuses on the terms of solidarity, subsidiarity, and the universal relationship between men and charity. The last part is a practical excursion into the life of a community center in the Indian town of Moobidri, where the author visited himself.

The author proposes a review of the different experiences relating to public services of economic content, both nationally and internationally, and then he analyze its concept and legal framework in national law. to this end, he reviews therecent literature on the subject, the constitutional basis and the relevant case law in order to offer his concept of Guarantor state , linked to the role and concept of public service in the peruvian legal system. / El autor propone una revisión de las diferentes experiencias relativas a los servicios públicos de contenido económico, tanto a nivel nacional como internacional, paraluego analizar su concepto y régimen jurídico en el ordenamiento nacional. Para ello, pasa revista a la literatura más reciente sobre la materia, las bases constitucionales y la jurisprudencia más relevante, para así ofrecer su concepto de estado/Administración garante, vinculado al rol y concepto del servicio público en elordenamiento jurídico peruano.

The author presents us the increasing force of the partnership between International Law and its entities by one side and the National States by the other, without impairing with its Sovereignty; and also how this process has created a surveillance and supervision praxis, focused on the possibility that State activities may affect the rights of its citizens.This article includes as well a survey on the theory and legal precedents that are most noteworthy, pointing to comprehend the passing from a subsidiary vision of the international legal order towards the national to one that is complementary, without prejudice to unpolished or unfinished aspects of the agenda. Everything in order to the full effect of Human Rights. / El autor nos presenta la vigencia de la relación del Derecho internacional y sus organismos con los Estados, sin mellar su soberanía y como este proceso ya ha ido creando una práctica de controles y supervisión de las actividades estatales que pudieran ser nocivas para los derechos de sus ciudadanos.Incluye, además, un análisis de la doctrina y la jurisprudencia más relevante a fin de comprender el paso de una visión subsidiaria del ordenamiento internacional para con el nacional a un enfoque complementario, en el que hay todavía aspectos que pulir y depurar con el fin de la plena vigencia de los derechos humanos.

O presente trabalho se dedica a estudar o surgimento e critérios de aplicação que envolvem a incidência do princípio da insignificância. Serão analisados, para tanto, os conceitos do chamado direito penal de mínima intervenção, que prega o respeito à ultima ratio do Direito Penal. Demonstra, desta forma, que a Constituição vigente, ainda que não refira expressamente o principio da insignificância, o legitima por meio dos demais princípios. Demonstra, ainda, que a aplicação do princípio está em consonância com os preceitos de uma intervenção penal minimamente necessária. / The present work aims to study the emergence and criteria for applying the principle of insignificance. Therefore, will be analyzed the concepts of criminal law called minimal intervention, which advocates respect for the ultima ratio of the Criminal Law. Thus, demonstrates that the current Constitution, though not explicitly refer to the principle of insignificance, legitimized it through the principles of others. It also demonstrates that the principle is in line with the precepts of a criminal intervention minimally required.

A presente pesquisa tem como objeto a investigação sobre os limites e possibilidades presentes na aplicação do Direito Penal no enfrentamento da violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher no Brasil. Para tanto, após esclarecidas questões acerca do fenômeno da violência doméstica, como suas origens e características, analisa-se a trajetória política que levou à elaboração da Lei n. 11.340/2006 (Lei Maria da Penha). É realizada, então, uma análise das previsões legais da Lei Maria da Penha, com especial destaque para as repercussões de caráter penal para o agressor. Posteriormente, dedica-se um capítulo à investigação do Princípio da Subsidiariedade e problematiza-se a aplicação do Direito Penal como instrumento de poder do Estado e como via de política pública, sendo abordados também o aspecto simbólico do Direito Penal e as funções da sanção penal em um Estado Democrático de Direito. Por fim, concretiza-se no último capítulo a investigação sobre as atrações e repulsões entre o Direito Penal e as iniciativas de enfrentamento da violência de gênero no Brasil. / This research intends to investigate both the limits and the possibilities concerning the use of Criminal Law to fight domestic violence against women in Brazil. For this purpose, after clarifying the basic characteristics and origins of domestic violence, we analyze the political trajectory that led to the creation of Law n. 11.340/2006 (Maria da Penha Law). An analysis of the legal provisions of the Maria da Penha Law is then presented, with particular emphasis on the criminal repercussions for the aggressor. Subsequently, a chapter is devoted to investigating the Principle of Subsidiarity and discussing the applications of Criminal Law both as an instrument of power and as a means of public policy, spanning the symbolic aspects of Criminal Law as well as the functions of criminal sanctions in a Democratic State. Finally, the last chapter elaborates on the attractions and repulsions between criminal law and the initiatives to fight gender-based violence in Brazil.