The woman suffrage movement in America lasted nearly an entire century. The movement formally began in 1848 at the Seneca Falls Convention and concluded in 1920 when the Susan B. Anthony amendment was ratified. Throughout this time period the movement changed dramatically. At the turn of the century the excitement and radical nature of the movement that prevailed at mid-century had been exhausted. Suffragists worked with no sense of immediacy, under the assumption that universal suffrage would come eventually, whether it in their lifetimes or their daughters’ or granddaughters’. This all changed, however, in 1913 with the Woman Suffrage Procession. The parade catalyzed the movement, sparking the beginning of the end. An examination of the parade itself, the planning process, and its aftermath reveals the importance of the procession and the changes it provoked. It first served as a platform for a new suffrage leader and a new suffrage group. Alice Paul, a young suffragist who had been involved in the movement in England, planned the procession as her first major responsibility on the US suffrage scene. Throughout the parade planning and aftermath she established herself as a strong leader. She also led the way for a younger and more radical suffragist organization, the Congressional Union, that would soon split from the dominant suffrage organization to pursue more aggressive tactics. Secondly, the suffrage parade demonstrated and catalyzed a transition of strategy, tactics, and sentiment. At the parade a younger cohort of suffragists began utilizing more militant tactics and adopting a sense of immediacy and determination. Finally, the parade altered the movement by raising awareness across the country that had not previously existed. The excitement of the procession caught the attention of government officials, the general public, and - most importantly - the media. The combination of a new leader and association, the transformation of internal attitudes, and new-found awareness put the suffragists on the path towards victory. The parade breathed new life into the movement, catalyzing the final push to success.

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The discussion of the woman's movement in this thesis will not refer exclusively to feminine operations for equal suffrage, but will include, also, the intellectual, the political, the humanitarian, and the economic development of women. One cannot say dogmatically that on such a day in such a month of such a year woman started to free herself from her inferior position. The woman's movement, like other great movements, has been in the process of evolution during a long period of time. In practice, woman's position has varied from age to age; but, in theory, woman has not been considered an equal of man until recently. In the first quarter of the nineteenth century a tangible movement was initiated for the emancipation and development of woman. Some aspects of this movement in the United States will be discussed in this chapter. In later chapters some aspects of this movement in Tennessee will be discussed.

Human rights and democracy are, today, indissoluble elements of the political reality. However, there are differences of origin and function between the two notions that they can, eventually, cause tensions and difficulties, especially when we try to attribute to the “majority principle” unlimited powers, including the determination and configuration, even pejorative, of the fundamental rights. this risk comes from adopting a purely “formal” or “procedural” conception of democracy, so it is necessary to affirm a “substantial” notion of it, in which fundamental rights are recognized. On the one hand, as a limit to the state power, whatever the source of legitimacy of it, and on the other hand, as indispensable ingredients for the free exercise of political rights on which democracy is based. / Derechos Humanos y democracia son, hoy, elementos inseparables de la realidad política. sin embargo, entre ambas nociones existen diferencias de origen y de función las que, eventualmente pueden plantear tensiones y dificultades, sobre todo cuando se pretende atribuir al “principio de la mayoría” potestades ilimitadas, que incluyen la determinación y configuración, incluso peyorativa, de los derechos fundamentales. Este riesgo proviene de adoptar una concepción meramente “formal” o “procedimental” de la democracia, por lo que se hace necesario afirmar una noción “sustancial” de esta, en la cual se reconozca a los derechos fundamentales. Por un lado, como un límite al poder estatal, cualquiera que sea la fuente de legitimación de este, y, por otro lado, como ingredientes indispensables para el ejercicio libre de los derechos políticos en los quese sustenta la democracia.

Suffrage in England in the 19th and the early 20th centuries Abstract The diploma thesis adress the issue of suffrage in England in the 19th and the early 20th centuries. Attention is paid primarily to the reform acts governing elections to the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, which were passed in years 1832, 1867, 1884-85, 1918 and 1928. The implementation of these reform acts led to the transition from the archaic form of suffrage, which persisted without major changes from the period of the late Middle Ages, to a universal and equal suffrage with direct and secret voting in the form which in the United Kingdom prevails, with minor amendments, to the present. This transformation was completed in 1928. In addition, the development of the municipal elections legislation, changes in a qualification of the Members of the Parliament and other changes in electoral legislation, especially in the legislation dealing with electoral corruption, are mentioned. There is also outlined a political and public debate on electoral reform, with an emphasis on parliamentary relevant debate. The text of the thesis is divided into six sections, corresponding to the chronological development. The first section focuses on the description and evaluation of the unreformed suffrage prior to 1832. The...

In the face of the importance of the immigrant for the development of a sustainable society, considering the diversity of its dimensions and the Brazilian s commitment in supply its people need; it is justified the necessity to analyze politically and juridically the immigrant political rights in the country. Considering its multicultural formation and the democratic nature defended, the development of a politic guided by the intercultural relations, aiming to the development of a plural society is crucial. The plurality requires all the citizens participation in the decision processes. That is why this study has searched to analyze the state of art of the immigrant political rights in the country, specifically in relation to the suffrage, exercise that concretize the citizenship, the popular sovereignty. The Brazilian positioning about the immigrant vote prerogative was questioned, as well as the contribution of the legislation of the other countries from Latin America for the development of an adequate legislation. A dialectical approach was chosen, due to the study from the contradictions and the antagonism of the system for the formal recognition of the right to vote. The analysis and the documents interpretation and data follows the qualitative model, on account of the psychosocial explanatory focus, for the context comprehension. The data were obtained through bibliographic research of the migration profiles, Federal Constitutions and migratory legislation of the countries involved; but, for this purpose, with the technical supply of summaries, reviews, annotations. The analysis was presented in two chapters: the construction of the political participation of the immigrant in Brazil and about the recognition of the political rights of the immigrant in Latin America . In the first chapter there was the scope to expose the theoretical substantiation that allows to recognize and comprehend the complexity that settles the immigrant in the field of the sociobiodiversidade rights, as well as the rights deprivation which the country is exposed. In the second, it was presented models developed in the other Latin America countries. It was noticed that Brazil is about to institute a new political mark in immigration represented by PL288/2013, sent to Cãmara de Deputados (PL 2516/2015). However, this still copy the state power concentration, being omissive about the immigrant vote, about the Human Right to Immigrate. Not many countries in Latin America have developed their perception about the human rights comprehension beyond the homogeneity and the democracy as plurality. Between the analysed countries, the Argentinian and Bolivian model are closer to the ideal project. It is expected that the exposure may contribute for a new political migratory mark indeed effective. / Em face da relevância do sujeito imigrante para o desenvolvimento de uma sociedade sustentável, considerando a pluralidade de suas dimensões e ao compromisso do Brasil em suprir as demandas do seu povo; justifica-se a necessidade de analisar política e juridicamente os direitos políticos do imigrante no país. Considerando sua composição multicultural e o caráter democrático defendido, o desenvolvimento de uma política pautada na interculturalidade das relações, visando à construção de uma sociedade plural é imprescindível. A pluralidade exige a participação de todos os cidadãos nos processos decisórios. Por isso, esse estudo buscou analisar o estado da arte dos direitos políticos do imigrante no país, especificamente com relação ao sufrágio, exercício que concretiza a cidadania, a soberania popular. Questionou-se a postura do Brasil frente à prerrogativa do voto do imigrante, bem como a contribuição das legislações dos demais países da América Latina para o desenvolvimento de uma legislação adequada. Optou-se por uma abordagem dialética, haja vista o estudo partir das contradições e antagonismos do próprio sistema para o reconhecimento formal do direito ao voto. A análise e a interpretação dos documentos e dados seguem o modelo qualitativo, devido à relevância do enfoque psicossocial, interpretativo, para a compreensão do contexto. Os dados foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica de perfis migratórios, Constituições Federais e legislações migratórias dos países envolvidos; contando, para tanto, com o apoio técnico de resumos, resenhas, fichamentos. A análise foi apresentada em dois capítulos: a construção da participação política do imigrante no Brasil e sobre o reconhecimento dos direitos políticos do imigrante na América Latina . No primeiro capítulo houve o escopo de expor a fundamentação teórica que permite reconhecer e compreender a complexidade que encerra o imigrante no âmbito dos direitos da sociobiodiversidade, bem como a privação de direitos a qual está sujeito no país. No segundo, foram apresentados os modelos desenvolvidos nos demais países da América Latina. Percebeu-se que o Brasil está prestes a instituir um novo marco político em matéria de imigração representado pelo PL288/2013, atualmente em trâmite na Câmara dos Deputados (PL 2516/2015). Todavia, este ainda reproduz a concentração do poder Estatal, sendo omisso quanto ao sufrágio do imigrante, quanto ao Direito Humano de Imigrar. Poucos países na América Latina evoluíram sua percepção quanto à compreensão dos direitos humanos além da homogeneidade e da democracia como pluralidade. Dentre os países analisados, os modelos argentino e boliviano mais se aproximaram do projeto ideal. Espera-se com o exposto contribuir para a construção de um novo marco político migratório de fato eficaz.

Submitted by Deivid Aparecido Costruba null (costrubahistunesp@hotmail.com) on 2018-01-26T22:03:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese percalux.pdf: 3618147 bytes, checksum: 90a664e7c98a8a0bfcfcf4f9a8024ffb (MD5) / Rejected by Laura Akie Saito Inafuko (linafuko@assis.unesp.br), reason: Prezado Deivid, favor incluir a ficha catalográfica, após a página de rosto, conforme norma ABNT (NBR 14724:2011, regra 4.2.1.1.2). on 2018-01-29T10:13:18Z (GMT) / Submitted by Deivid Aparecido Costruba null (costrubahistunesp@hotmail.com) on 2018-01-30T10:03:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese repositorio.pdf: 3693870 bytes, checksum: 18a65596780ddb7ccf1e87709a5d2eef (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Laura Akie Saito Inafuko (linafuko@assis.unesp.br) on 2018-01-30T11:17:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 costruba_da_dr_assis.pdf: 3693870 bytes, checksum: 18a65596780ddb7ccf1e87709a5d2eef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-30T11:17:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 costruba_da_dr_assis.pdf: 3693870 bytes, checksum: 18a65596780ddb7ccf1e87709a5d2eef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-01 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a trajetória feminista de Júlia Lopes de Almeida no complexo cenário de luta pela emancipação da mulher, na virada do século XIX até o início da década de 1930. A escritora, não raro, foi caracterizada pela cordialidade e afabilidade de suas posturas, ao julgar pela sua atitude de não confronto ao status quo. Por pertencer a um grupo de mulheres letradas e ricas, na condição de filhas, esposas, mães de homens poderosos, que integravam altas esferas políticas, conquistou crescente aceitação e reconhecimento social, ensejo dedicado a alargar e tencionar os limites do feminino, radicalizando seu pensamento e atitudes de maneira progressiva. A trajetória de manifestações dessas mulheres de elite, entretanto, originou-se na década de 1830. No decorrer de tal século, de ações isoladas de diferentes protagonistas ou grupo de mulheres que reivindicaram o direito à instrução e ao trabalho, passou-se no século seguinte à criação de instituições que acarretaram, em meio a ações de um novo tipo de filantropia a um incipiente e organizado movimento feminista. Este contou com a liderança de figuras que marcaram a cena política e cultural do país. Neste cenário de luta pela independência, pelo trabalho, pelo divórcio e pelo sufrágio feminino, pode-se destacar a escritora Júlia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), que fazia parte de um grupo que se empenhou pelo ―progresso‖ da mulher brasileira. Cabe destacar, que outra vertente do movimento contava com mulheres de camadas sociais mais pobres, cuja educação ocorrera muitas vezes pelo autodidatismo, mas que também encontraram mecanismos para proporem suas pautas. Dessa forma, no que diz respeito ao suporte teórico-metodológico dessa pesquisa, de acordo com Joan W. Scott, essas mulheres sufragistas, as cidadãs paradoxais, podem ser interpretadas como arenas, tendo em vista os embates políticos e culturais que enfrentavam, bem como as múltiplas maneiras pelas quais essas mulheres se construíram como ―atores históricos‖. Além de Scott, Jean-François Sirinelli elucidou a importância de se verificar as estruturas elementares do microcosmo social, ambiente profícuo para analisar o movimento de ideias, a fermentação intelectual e o debate de profusões e convicções. Cumpre lembrar, ainda, que a escritora Júlia Lopes de Almeida, além do envolvimento na área intelectual, utilizou-se dessa profissão para promover eventos beneficentes, oportunidade que viajou o país com sua literatura e sua política de cuidados aos mais necessitados. Mais do que isso, na companhia de seu marido, o poeta Filinto de Almeida (1857-1945), Júlia Lopes realizou nas dependências do ―Salão Verde‖, espaço localizado na casa da família no bairro de Santa Tereza, eventos de caridade, encenação de peças teatrais autorais e concertos musicais. Em tal espaço também discutiu-se sobre as ideias e movimentos literários no Brasil, oportunidade em que a escritora divulgou suas ideias e valores sobre o papel das mulheres na sociedade brasileira. / The objective of this research is to analyze the feminist trajectory of Júlia Lopes de Almeida in the complex scenario of the struggle for the emancipation of women, in the turn of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the 1930s. The writer was often characterized by the cordiality and affability of their positions, judging by their attitude of non-confrontation with the status quo. Because they belonged to a group of literate and wealthy women, as daughters, wives, mothers of powerful men, who integrated high political spheres, they gained increasing acceptance and social recognition, an opportunity dedicated to extending and intending the limits of the feminine, radicalizing their thinking and attitudes in a progressive way. The trajectory of manifestations of these elite women, however, originated in the 1830s. In the course of that century, of isolated actions of different protagonists or group of women who demanded the right to education and to work, it happened in the century following the creation of institutions that entailed, in the midst of actions of a new type of philanthropy in which they were involved, in an incipient and organized feminist movement. This one counted on the leadership of figures who marked the political and cultural scene of the country. In this scenario of struggle for independence, work, divorce and female suffrage, we can highlight the writer Júlia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), who was part of a group that worked for the "progress" of Brazilian women. It should be noted that another aspect of the movement had women from the poorer social strata, whose education had often occurred through self-education, but also found mechanisms to propose their guidelines. Thus, with regard to the theoretical-methodological support of this research, according to Joan W. Scott, these suffragette women, the paradoxical citizens, can be interpreted as arenas, in view of the political and cultural struggles they faced, as well as the multiple ways in which these women have built themselves up as "historical actors." In addition to Scott, Jean-François Sirinelli elucidated the importance of verifying the elemental structures of the social microcosm, a profitable environment for analyzing the movement of ideas, intellectual ferment and the debate of profusion and conviction. It should also be remembered that the writer Júlia Lopes de Almeida, besides the involvement in the intellectual area, used this profession to promote charitable events, an opportunity that traveled the country with its literature and its care policy to those most in need. More than that, in the company of her husband, the poet Filinto de Almeida (1857- 1945), Júlia Lopes held in the dependencies of the "Green Room", space located in the family home in the neighborhood of Santa Tereza, charity events, staged theatrical plays, was the scene of musical concerts, discussions about ideas and literary movements in Brazil, as well as a favorable space for the writer to disseminate her ideas and values about the role of women in Brazilian society.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T14:23:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria_do_Carmo_Arana_de_Aguiar dissertacao.pdf: 2196929 bytes, checksum: ce4a647bbea70199da5e8b40ec5e4bdd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-17 / The absence ofdebate on thesuffrage movementin the stateof RioGrande doSulled us toproposethepresentdiscussionand analyzethe representation of thesuffragette movementin the pressof Rio Grande city trough newspaper Echo do Sulbetween the years1930 to 1934. The time frame1930-1934is justifiedfor being apoliticallyturbulent periodin thehistory of RioGrande doSuland Brazil, but especiallyby the intensification ofdemandsfor women's suffragetoits legalizationin the 1934 Constitution. This studyfocuses on thecity of RioGrandewherethere were severalsignificant changes insociety due toincreasingindustrializationthatwascausingchangesin dailycity. These changeswerestillbeing feltin the first decadestwentieth century, whenduring the GreatWarwasthe needofwomen entering thelabor market. Industrializationand contextpermeatedby warforced manywomento joinquicklyfor thepublic space. This insertionin factorieseventuallyaccelerate the formationofmovements forwomen's rights. Theincreased participation of womenin the public sphere, deniedtothembefore, placed themin evidenceat the sametimeallowed theformation ofpoliticizedorganizationswho cameto claimpolitical rights, such as voting. / A ausência de debate sobre o movimento sufragista no interior do estado do Rio Grande do Sul nos motivou a propor a presente discussão e analisar a representação do movimento sufragista na imprensa rio-grandina através do Jornal Echo do Sul e O Tempo entre os anos de 1930 a 1934. O recorte temporal 1930-1934 se justifica por ser um período conturbado politicamente dentro da história do Rio Grande do Sul e do Brasil, mas principalmente pelo acirramento das reivindicações pelo voto feminino até sua legalização na Constituição de 1934. O presente estudo se foca na cidade do Rio Grande onde ocorreram várias mudanças significativas na sociedade, devido à industrialização crescente que vinha ocasionando mudanças no cotidiano citadino. Essas mudanças foram sendo sentidas ainda nas primeiras décadas do século XX, quando durante a GrandeGuerra ocorreu a necessidade de inserção da mulher no mercado de trabalho. A industrialização e o contexto permeado pela guerra forçou muitas mulheres a ingressarem rapidamente no espaço público. Essa inserção nas fábricas acabou por acelerar a formação dos movimentos em prol dos direitos femininos. A maior participação das mulheres no ambiente público, antes negado a elas, colocou-as em evidência, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilitou a formação de organizações politizadas que vieram a reivindicar direitos políticos, como o voto.

This study aims to describe the composition of people who held voting power in the municipality Växjö landsförsamling in the years 1882 and 1911. One system for the voting right was in place in 1882 and was replaced by a different system before 1911. The difference between the systems shows a movement towards a more democratic society, both between the sexes and economic classes. With intersectionality in mind, the study shows how both women and the economically disfavoured lose voting power through many mechanisms within the voting systems in place. Apart from there being fewer women than men with voting power in total, their income is generally lower, and their votes are fewer. Women also received fewer votes per unit of income in comparison to men. Female nurses were a group especially disfavoured by the voting systems in place, having a mean income which barely reaches the income threshold for more voting power. The study also describes the differences in voting power for people with different, showing how most of the actual votes are concentrated to the municipality’s richest people.

Five Reform Acts passed over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries gradually increased the size of the British electorate. Negotiations over lowering property, rent, and lodging restrictions led to new Acts that slowly increased the number of Britons deemed worthy to vote. This dissertation examines the extent class and gender were relevant to those negotiations of British citizenship over the course of those five Acts. The project scrutinizes the language used in Parliamentary debates, political pamphlets, and political correspondence to reconstruct the constantly-changing conceptualization of the ideal citizen’s gendered identity in Britain and Europe. This project illuminates the rhetorical battles between the political elite and those who desired admittance to the franchise. The language surrounding those battles highlights the contradictory reasons why certain male and female populations were denied admittance. By examining all these Acts together, this project provides new insight into Parliamentary reform as a political event where the unfixed ideas of Victorian femininity and masculinity can be viewed and assessed in the context of political power.