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En 1918, au terme de quatre années de guerre et après un demi-siècle de lutte suffragiste, 8,5 millions de femmes britanniques obtinrent le droit de vote parlementaire. Le but de cette étude a été d'examiner la perception de la réforme par les suffragistes et féministes, les hommes politiques et la presse et, ce faisant, de rectifier le jugement souvent négatif porté sur ses conséquences politiques, économiques et sociales dans les vingt années qui suivirent. Il apparaît en effet qu'en dépit des progrès qui, 80 ans plus tard, restent à accomplir, les conséquences du droit de vote féminin dans la période de l'entre-deux-guerres ne furent en aucun cas insignifiants : les adhésions massives aux partis politiques, les efforts pour conquérir cette nouvelle force électorale, l'amélioration de la condition féminine grâce à une abondante législation et une plus grande prise en compte des intérêts féminins par le Parlement et les partis sont autant de changements qui, bien que limités dans le temps et dans leur portée --et freinés notamment par un contexte politique, économique et social peu favorable-- procurèrent à celles qui avaient depuis le19ème siècle, participé à la lutte suffragiste, une réelle satisfaction. Non pas que les femmes s'imposèrent en tant qu'électrices ou que les hommes politiques les considérèrent tout à coup comme des citoyennes à part entière --la réticence dont ils firent preuve à l'égard de mesures égalitaires concernant les salaires, l'emploi des femmes mariées ou la contraception interdit de croire à tout changement profond des mentalités-- mais parce que l'ignorance de la façon dont les électrices allaient exercer leur droit agit comme un véritable moteur au sein des pouvoirs politiques et permit l'accomplissement de mesures qui n'auraient jamais été atteintes si les femmes avaient continué à être exclues de l'électorat.

In this thesis I explore the global circulation and cross-cultural encounters of women advocacy travelers in the early twentieth century. I focus on Carrie Chapman Catt, Margaret Hodge, Mildred McFaden, and Madeleine Z. Doty, who journeyed around the world in order to advocate for women’s rights and peace. Catt traveled on behalf of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance (IWSA) to South Africa, the Middle East, and Asia in 1911-12, Hodge promoted women’s suffrage around the British dominions, and McFaden and other members of the American Woman’s Republic brought a resolution linking peace and women’s suffrage to the IWSA congress in Budapest in 1913. Doty made several journeys from the U.S. to Germany and Russia, as a dissident antiwar journalist during the First World War. Using their travel writings, I explore these women travelers, their encounters with women from other countries and cultures, and their ideas about internationalism and inclusion in the worldwide movement for women’s rights.

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La recherche porte sur un système de représentation mis en place à Rome au niveau local en 2004, dans le but d'impliquer les non citoyens européens résidant dans la capitale italienne, dans le processus de prise de décisions collectives. Un tel système de représentation est composé de deux formes de représentation différentes: il s'agit, primo, de quatre «conseillers ajoutés» élus périodiquement au Conseil municipal de Rome par les non citoyens européens résidents et, secundo, de la «Consulta pour la représentation des communautés étrangères» également élue périodiquement et simultanément aux «conseillers ajoutés» par les non citoyens européens résidents. Une analyse comparative approfondie de ces deux formes de représentation, dont un tel système représentatif bicéphale est composé, nous permet de vérifier nos hypothèses de fond. Voici la première : ces deux formes de représentation sont conçues et réalisées suivant deux logiques tout à fait différentes, voire antithétiques, sinon incompatibles, de sorte que ce que l'on donne pour acquis, le fait que de telles formes de représentation peuvent bien coexister s'intégrant l'une à l'autre, est en fait à mettre en question. Voici la deuxième : un tel système représentatif est une sorte de réactualisation, sous certains aspects, des premières formes de participation politique par le biais de représentants élus dans une conjoncture nouvelle, car certaines de ses caractéristiques marquent un retour aux formes initiales du gouvernement représentatif. De la sorte, ce que l'on donne pour acquis, le fait que ce système de représentation est bien novateur, voire il constitue une véritable nouveauté, est en fait à mettre en question / This research is about a representative system, which was implemented in Rome at the local level in 2004, to involve not European citizens living in the Italian Capital in decision making process. This representative system is composed of two different forms of representation : firstly, four "Added (town) Councillors", who are periodically elected into the Rome municipal Council by not European citizens living in Rome; secondly, the "City Consulta representing foreign communities", which is also periodically elected simultaneously with the four "Added (town) Councillors" by not European citizens living in Rome. By performing a comparative analysis of the two forms of representation this bicephalous representative system is composed of, we will be able to test our main hypotheses. The first one is that these two forms of representation are conceived and implemented according to two very different, contrasting, antithetic logics, which are opposed to one another, if not incompatible. Therefore, it requires us to call into question a priori assumptions about the compatibility of these two forms of representation. The second one is that, in some regards, this representative system is somewhat of a readjustment of the initial forms of political participation through elected representatives under the present circumstances, for the reason that its underlying principles are partially in contrast to today's top trending characteristics of contemporary Western democracies, but similar to nascent modern democracies' characteristics. Therefore, it requires us to call into question a priori assumptions that this representative system is absolutely innovative, or even a real novelty

The overall purpose of this paper is to investigate how the concept of democracy was used in Swedish parliamentary debates before the great franchise reform 1919-1921. To use conceptual history to study parliamentary debates is a relatively recent phenomenon and when it comes to Sweden it has mostly been about the period around and after the mentioned great reform. This paper therefore takes a step back and concentrates on the years 1902, 1907 and 1912 when bills and motions were presented that advocated more inclusive voting rights. It is not only a period that has been less researched but an inquiry into these years also complete and enhance the understanding of the later great reform. Since the concept of democracy rarely appears in the parliamentary debates during the first years studied the paper also investigates the context in which the concept was used with a special focus on who were to be allowed to take part in an enlarged franchise. The final analysis shows that the concept of democracy went through substantial change during the period in question. Not only did it become used more frequently in the debates, but most politicians also accepted the future-oriented quality of the concept. The context of the debates shifted during the period but most importantly the view of who among the people were supposed to be included in a democratic society changed. Some of the uses of the concept of democracy that was to reverberate during the debates leading up to the great franchise reform 1919-1921 can also be found during the period here studied.

The American Civil War is often framed as exclusively masculine, consisting of soldiers, god-like generals, and battle; a sphere where women simply did not enter or coexist. This perception is largely due to the mobilization of approximately six million men, coupled with the Victorian era which did not permit women to engage in the public sphere. Women are given their place however, but it is more narrowly defined as home front assistance. Even as women transitioned from passive receivers to active participants, their efforts rarely defied gender norms. This thesis looks at Confederate female camp followers who appeared to defy societal conventions by entering the male dominated camps and blurred the lines between men and women’s proper spheres. While camp followers could be expanded to include women of the lower class, including black women, laborers, slaves and prostitutes, only middle and upper class white women are analyzed because they were the ones required to maintain respectability. More specifically, I analyze unmarried women, female soldiers, bereaved women and nurses. Barbara Welter articulated and labeled the concept of public versus private spheres, plus the attributes necessary to achieve respectability as the Cult of True Womanhood. The Cult of True Womanhood demanded that women be pious, pure, and submissive within the domestic sphere. It is with this foundation that the camp followers can be analyzed. Their actions appeared to break with the Cult of True Womanhood, but when they explained in memoirs, newspaper accounts, and journals why they entered the camps, they framed their responses in a way that allowed them to appear to conform to the cult.

This dissertation challenges the dominant interpretation in women's history of the 1920s and 1930s as the "doldrums of the women's movement," and demonstrates that Philadelphia's political history is incomplete without the inclusion of African American women's voices. Given their well-developed bases of power in social reform, club, church, and interracial groups and strong tradition of political activism, these women exerted tangible pressure on Philadelphia's political leaders to reshape the reform agenda. When success was not forthcoming through traditional political means, African American women developed alternate strategies to secure their political agenda. While this dissertation is a traditional social and political history, it will also combine elements of biography in order to reconstruct the lives of Philadelphia's African American political women. This work does not describe a united sisterhood among women or portray this period as one of unparalleled success. Rather, this dissertation will bring a new balance to political history that highlights the importance of local political activism and is at the same time sensitive to issues of race, gender, and class. Central to this study will be the development of biographical sketches for the key African American women activists in Philadelphia, reconstructing the challenges they faced in the political arena, as feminists and as reformers. Enfranchisement did not immediately translate into political power, as black women's efforts to achieve their goals were often frustrated by racial tension with white women and gender divisions within the African American community. This dissertation also contributes to the historical debate regarding the shifting partisan alliance of the African American community. African Americans not intimately tied to the club movement or machine politics spearheaded the move away from the Republicans. They did so not out of economic reasons or as a result of Democratic overtures but because of the poor record of the Republicans on racial issues. Crystal Bird Fauset's rise to political power, as the first African American woman elected to a state legislature in the United States, provides important insight into Philadelphia Democratic politics, the African American community, and the extensive organizational and political networks woven by African American women. / History

Although the literary quality of women's poetry from the nineteenth century has long been criticized by literary scholars, recent work in reception studies has documented readers' aesthetic experiences with such poetry in order to appreciate its popularity and appeal (Stauffer). Extending this work in literary reception studies, I draw on scholarship in rhetorical studies, specifically rhetorical aesthetics (Clark), to demonstrate how conventional poetic forms and sentimental appeals can be used by marginalized communities to facilitate identification. I examine Songs and Flowers of the Wasatch, a collection of primarily Latter-day Saint women's poetry compiled by Emmaline B. Wells for the 1893 Chicago World's Fair, as a case study in rhetorical aesthetics. The collection was compiled with the intent to change popular opinion about Utah woman and foster community within women's movements of the time, including suffrage. By analyzing how these poems operated rhetorically--facilitating aesthetic experiences through familiar poetic forms and sentimental appeals--I conclude that the collection helped change negative public opinion of Latter-day Saint women. I argue that rhetorical aesthetics and reception studies offer an alternative way for literary and rhetorical scholars to reevaluate the value of women's nineteenth-century poetry. This project invites additional scholarly inquiry into how women and other historically marginalized groups have used art to create rhetorically powerful aesthetic experiences that prepare minds for change.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The perspectives of unique suffragists and clubwomen in Indiana, like Grace Julian Clarke, reflect the typically overlooked narrative of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Far from a bystander, Clarke engaged in political wars at the state level long before having the right to vote. She demonstrated this ability early on when she acted as a campaign manager during the 1915 Indiana Federation of Clubs presidential election. By its end, club women around the state knew who Clarke was, trusted her word, and looked to her for critical information. As World War I encroached and threatened the nationwide fight for suffrage, Clarke again remained loyal to suffrage by using war-related activities to promote and expand awareness of women’s work and abilities in Indiana. Clarke strategically used these activities as a tool to advocate for enfranchisement by pressing leaders on her belief that women had earned their rightful place as equal partners. Although she stayed active in the suffrage movement throughout the war, it became clear toward its end that her assets as a political leader were demanded at a higher level. As such, she turned her attention toward international affairs (particularly the League of Nations) and away from suffrage. Though the United States never joined the League of Nations, Clarke’s advocacy of the covenant was critical in her formation as a true political influencer. By the time the covenant was being disputed at the national level, Clarke was corresponding with national leaders to coordinate speaking events around the state. She became more exclusive in these speaking engagements, as there were very few women who actually understood the covenant well enough to speak on its behalf. Clarke was unique in her ability to speak out for her own values, in large part due to the influence of her father, former Congressman George W. Julian. Her story demonstrates that women’s political influence did not begin nor end with the 19th amendment. Rather, women’s political influence evolved over time, and is still evolving today.