[pt] Esta tese examina como as mudanças ocorridas na sociedade ocidental moderna modificaram a relação entre as pessoas e o vestir, construindo as bases para o desenvolvimento de um fenômeno conhecido como moda. Nos períodos anteriores à modernidade, principalmente na Idade Média e no Antigo Regime, verificamos a existência das vestimentas como uma marcação social, prevalecendo a concepção holista de mundo. Nesses períodos, havia uma ordem hierárquica e estamental, sem mobilidade social, onde preponderavam as leis suntuárias, que objetivavam, dentre outras coisas, o controle ao vestuário. Dessa forma, a roupa significava uma condição, uma qualidade, um instrumento de regulação política, social e econômica, onde cada um ocupava seu lugar, usando as vestes próprias à sua posição. Na passagem para a modernidade e para a concepção individualista de mundo, pensamentos, conceitos e valores foram atravessados por novas perspectivas que foram construídas ao longo de muitos séculos, a partir de acontecimentos não só marcantes, mas estruturantes de um novo período, alterando drasticamente a relação da sociedade ocidental com a roupa. Portanto, parte-se da premissa de que a moda não é fruto de uma historiografia linear e evolucionista, mas sim de uma confluência de fatores que possibilitam seu desenvolvimento e funcionamento como a entendemos atualmente. Nesse sentido, a reflexão da tese é transportada para a particularidade do caso brasileiro, mais precisamente para a cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a partir da chegada da Corte portuguesa, em 1808, percebendo como a presença da Família Real instaurou bases e estruturas próprias de uma mentalidade hierárquica e estamental, aumentando tensões que marcaram o período, tendo a indumentária papel protagonista na batalha pelos signos sociais prestigiosos e seus modos de uso. Ao longo das décadas seguintes, os acontecimentos que ocorreram na cidade deixavam em evidência o desabrochar de características típicas da modernidade, que se desenvolvia a passos largos, deixando para trás o engessamento social através da indumentária estabelecido previamente com a Corte e consolidando o sistema da moda no Rio de Janeiro. / [en] This thesis examines how the changes that have occurred in modern Western society have changed the relationship between people and dress, building the basis for the development of a phenomenon known as fashion. In periods prior to modernity, especially in the Middle Ages and the Ancien Régime, we verified the existence of clothing as a social marking, prevailing the holistic conception of the world. In these periods, there was a hierarchical order, without social mobility, where the Sumptuary Laws prevailed, which aimed, among other things, control of clothing. Thus, clothing meant a condition, a quality, an instrument of political, social and economic regulation. Each person occupied a social place, wearing clothes according to his/her position. In the passage to modernity and to the individualistic conception of the world, thoughts, concepts and values were crossed by new perspectives that have been built over many centuries, from events not only remarkable, but structuring of a new period, drastically altering the relationship of Western society with clothing. Therefore, it starts from the premise that fashion is not the result of a linear and evolutionary historiography, but rather of a confluence of factors that enable its development and functioning as we currently understand it. In this sense, the reflection of the thesis is transported to the particularity of the Brazilian case, more precisely to the city of Rio de Janeiro, from the arrival of the Portuguese Court in 1808, realizing how the presence of the Royal Family established bases and structures own of a hierarchical mentality, increasing tensions that marked the period, where the clothes were the protagonist in the battle for prestigious social signs and their ways of use. Over the next decades, the events that occurred in the city highlighted the blossoming of characteristics typical of modernity, which developed in strides, leaving behind social plastering through clothing established previously with the Court and consolidating the fashion system in Rio de Janeiro.

Cette étude analyse la place et le rôle du mode de vie dans les discours et les pratiques politiques à Rome à la fin du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. et au IIe siècle av. J.-C. qui formaient un moment charnière. Le luxe faisait partie des pratiques de distinction de l’aristocratie à la fin du IVe siècle av. J. C. et au IIIe siècle av. J. C. À partir de la deuxième guerre punique, l’élite commença à s’inquiéter du rôle politique du faste et des menaces qu’il faisait peser sur le système oligarchique ; elle fit ensuite voter des lois régulant les festins pour éviter que ceux-ci ne servissent à gagner du crédit politique, mais sans évoquer franchement cette raison, par déférence pour le pouvoir et par souci de préserver sa légitimité. Le combat contre le luxe investit les discours, influant sur l’image que l’élite donnait d’elle-même. Les adversaires du luxe, comme Caton l’Ancien, mirent en avant une nouvelle qualité, la frugalité, correspondant à l’adoption d’un train de vie inférieur à ce que son rang permettait. Une représentation négative se structura autour du luxe, explicitement et définitivement associé aux vices, aux étrangers, en particulier aux Grecs, et implicitement considéré comme caractéristique des hommes inaptes à servir leur patrie ou aspirant à un pouvoir excessif. Une représentation antithétique se développa autour de la frugalité, qualité des vrais Romains fidèles aux mœurs de la campagne et soucieux des intérêts de la République, une image qui fut particulièrement appréciée par le peuple. Ces arguments connurent un immense succès dans les luttes politiques du dernier tiers du IIe siècle av. J. C. La frugalité était cependant difficilement applicable en toutes circonstances car elle heurtait les normes de l’élite : il importait de signifier à travers elle une position politique, mais il fallait aussi savoir recevoir convenablement ses amis. Le stoïcisme, qui se développait alors à Rome et qui prescrivait une vie tempérante, dut s’adapter à cette exigence. / This study analyses the place and role of the way of life in political speeches and practices in Rome in the late third century BC and in the second century BC, which formed a turning point. Luxury was a means of social distinction for the aristocracy in the late fourth century BC and third century BC. From the Second Punic War onwards, the elite began to worry about the political impact of this sumptuousness and the threats it posed for the oligarchic system. Consequently, the elite introduced laws regulating banquets in order to prevent hosts from gaining political prestige, without clearly citing this reason, out of deference for the government and in order to protect its own legitimacy. This fight against luxury spread in speeches and influenced the image of itself which the elite wanted to promote. The detractors of luxury, like Cato the Elder, proposed a new ideal – frugality, which implied adopting a lifestyle more humble than that which was allowed by one’s actual rank. A negative definition of luxury was proposed – it was explicitly and definitively associated with vice, foreigners (Greeks especially), and implicitly considered to be typical of men who were unable to serve their homeland or who aspired to excessive power. An antithetic representation of frugality was developed and was thought to be the quality of real Romans who were true to the values of the countryside and anxious to preserve the interests of the Republic. This image was highly valued by the people. These ideas played a significant role in the power struggles in the last third of the second century BC. Frugality remained nonetheless a difficult quality to adopt in all circumstances because it went against the standards of the elite – while it mattered for the elite to make their political position clear through frugality, it was also important to cater to one’s guests as befitted one’s rank. Stoicism, which was then developing in Rome and advocated a restrained way of life, had to adapt to this demand.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to, from an institutional approach, study how the Stockholm importers within the textile sector adapted their foreign trade to the change in economic policy 1720 through 1738. The focus is to investigate to what extent the introduction of new laws, regulations etc. can be an explanation for what happened to Stockholm’s foreign trade, mainly imports, particularly textile imports during the period. It is mainly the economic policies that had been enacted during the Hornian government and their effects that have been studied. This is a period that has seldom been studied in other research.</p><p>This thesis begins when the Russian raids were over. This was a year when the foreign trade still was relatively free and was untouched by the 17th century’s regulations. After 1721 the policies that would be introduced to increase Sweden's level of self-sufficiency and strengthen ties with the North Sea area had several components. Besides the economic policy, the main sources for the thesis are the city toll records.</p><p>The trade policies in the shape of tolls and fees, import and consumption bans etc. and the commercial policies together became different kinds of political tools used for several purposes. The conclusion of this thesis is that the economic policies made the Stockholm importers adapt their trade to the change. The import bans and sumptuary laws had an effect. The economic policies gave rise to an increase in the import of textile raw materials. The rise in toll costs and import fees contributed to displacing the foreign trade towards other areas. The change in the economic policies was successful in the sense that it gave rise to new conditions for domestic production within the textile sector and forced Stockholm's importers to adapt their foreign trade.</p>

In recent years, urban historians have established that the period from 1560 to 1660 was a key era for London’s development from a relatively small European urban centre into a large dynamic global capital. This dissertation attempts to intervene in London scholarship by drawing attention to the economic, political, religious and – most significantly – cultural importance of clothing in the city in this period. Using material, visual, literary and archival sources, it explores the ways clothing contributed to the development of early modern London and, in turn, how London’s rapid growth changed the making, wearing, and meaning of clothing. This dissertation places material evidence at the fore using extant objects from museum collections. It also employs the new methodology of reconstruction to explore craft, ingenuity, and emotional self-expression in dress. As clothing infused economic and social life, it draws upon on a wide range of evidence, from London guild records, to portraits, travel accounts, personal letters, diaries and account books, plays, sermons and poems. With a focus on urban experience, this dissertation discusses not only elite luxury consumption, but also investigates the wardrobes of guildsmen, immigrant craftspeople, apprentices and maids – asking what they wore, what they thought about what they were wearing, and how they used clothing to navigate through the city during this time of rapid change. A chapter on the ‘London Look’ shows how inhabitants and visitors documented the visual and material styles of the city. Exploring the collaborative processes by which clothing was made, worn and appreciated by craftspeople and consumers, a chapter on making and buying clothing demonstrates how clothes were made and charts the emergence of a new consumer culture. Existing scholarship on sumptuary laws is challenged in a chapter that demonstrates how laws were enforced in the city while also integrating extant objects into the discussion for the first time. Finally, using a sample of London wills, the dissertation shows how Londoners owned, bequeathed and inherited clothing, and imbued it with emotional meaning. In sum, this dissertation aims to integrate scholarship on early modern London with material culture studies, and to promote the new methodology of reconstruction for historians. In revealing how London was conceived during a time of rapid change, clothing can be used as a lens through which to explore wider discourse about a city that by 1657 was being described as ‘Londinopolis.’ Clothing helped to make London into a wealthy, dynamic, and diverse urban centre, and these changes dramatically shaped the way clothing was made and appreciated.

The purpose of this thesis is to, from an institutional approach, study how the Stockholm importers within the textile sector adapted their foreign trade to the change in economic policy 1720 through 1738. The focus is to investigate to what extent the introduction of new laws, regulations etc. can be an explanation for what happened to Stockholm’s foreign trade, mainly imports, particularly textile imports during the period. It is mainly the economic policies that had been enacted during the Hornian government and their effects that have been studied. This is a period that has seldom been studied in other research. This thesis begins when the Russian raids were over. This was a year when the foreign trade still was relatively free and was untouched by the 17th century’s regulations. After 1721 the policies that would be introduced to increase Sweden's level of self-sufficiency and strengthen ties with the North Sea area had several components. Besides the economic policy, the main sources for the thesis are the city toll records. The trade policies in the shape of tolls and fees, import and consumption bans etc. and the commercial policies together became different kinds of political tools used for several purposes. The conclusion of this thesis is that the economic policies made the Stockholm importers adapt their trade to the change. The import bans and sumptuary laws had an effect. The economic policies gave rise to an increase in the import of textile raw materials. The rise in toll costs and import fees contributed to displacing the foreign trade towards other areas. The change in the economic policies was successful in the sense that it gave rise to new conditions for domestic production within the textile sector and forced Stockholm's importers to adapt their foreign trade.

Démétrios de Phalère est un des exemples les plus remarquables dans l’Antiquité d’homme d’Etat-philosophe. Névers 355 au Phalère, l’ancien port d’Athènes, Démétrios, fils de Phanostratos, devint, grâce à sa formation au Lycée,un des meilleurs orateurs et philosophes de son temps et rédigea de très nombreux ouvrages : des traités philosophiques, des biographies historiques, un recueil des fables d’Esope, des traités sur la poésie homérique. Il entra en politique, en 324, à l’époque de l’affaire d’Harpale et en 322, il participa par la suite au règlement diplomatique de la guerre lamiaque et participa au gouvernement de Phocion instauré par Antipater. En 317/6, il fut nommé par Cassandre à la tête de la cité athénienne qu’il gouverna jusqu’en 307/6. Le régime démocratique fut peu modifié à l’exception de l’instauration d’un cens. Il tenta d’appliquer la politique aristotélicienne du « juste milieu »et renforça la centralisation. Bénéficiant d’un climat de prospérité et de paix, plusieurs réformes furent engagées :instauration de nom ophylakès ou « gardiens de la loi », de lois somptuaires et de gynéconomes, organisation d’un recensement de la population, création des homéristes au théâtre, mise en valeur des fêtes religieuses en particulier de celles en l’honneur de Dionysos. Au printemps 307, l'attaque de Démétrios Poliorcète mit un terme au gouvernement de Démétrios de Phalère : il dut s’enfuir à Thèbes où il resta pendant dix ans. Son arrivée à Alexandrie d’Egypte, en 297/6, marqua l’apogée de sa carrière. Premier conseiller de Ptolémée Ier, il participa à l’organisation du culte de Sérapis, et surtout, intervint directement dans la mise en place de la Bibliothèque du Musée d’Alexandrie et dans la traduction de la Loi juive, la Bible des Septante. Sa mort, causée par la morsure d’un aspic, se situe vraisemblablement vers 281/0, au début du règne de Ptolémée II. A une époque de transition entre les époques classique et hellénistique, toutes ses actions s’inscrivent dans un parcours de recherche philosophique voire même ésotérique. / Demetrius of Phalereus is one of the most remarkable examples of a Statesman-Philosopher in Antiquity. Bornca 355 BCE in Phalerum, the former port of Athens, Thanks to his training in the Lyceum, Demetrius, the son ofPhanostratos, became one of the best orators and philosophers of his time. He wrote many works: philosophicaltreatises, historical biographies, a collection of Aesop’s fables and treatises on Homeric poetry. He entered politics in324 at the time of the Harpalus affair and, in 322, subsequently participated in the diplomatic settlement of theLamian War and took part in the government of Phocion set up by Antipater. In 317/6, Cassander put him at the headof the Athenian city, which he governed until 307/6. The democratic regime underwent little change except for theinstitution of a census. He tried to enforce the Aristotelian policy of the “golden mean” and reinforced centralisation.Benefiting from a climate of prosperity and peace, he undertook several reforms, instituting the nomophylakes(“guardians of the law”), sumptuary laws and gynaeconomi, organising a population census, creating Homeristictheatrical performances and emphasising religious festivals, especially those in honour of Dionysos. In the spring of307/6, Demetrius Poliorcetes’ capture of Athens put en end to the government of Demetrius Phalereus who fled toThebes for ten years. His stay in Alexandria in Egypt starting in 297/6 marked the peak of his career. The firstcouncillor to Ptolemy I, he participated in organising the cult of Serapis, and especially, intervened directly in settingup the Mouseion or Library of Alexandria and in the translation of Jewish Law, the Septuagint. His death, probablyca 281/0 BCE, early in the reign of Ptolemy II, is said to have been caused by the bite of an aspic. At a time oftransition between the Classical and Hellenistic periods, all his actions were part of a quest for philosophical, evenesoteric, knowledge.