Since 1976, Syria has suffered two separate but in nature similar rebellions which was different in terms of spreading, impact and size. The existing literature fails to compare these rebellions and answer the question on how two similar uprising can produce different outcomes. The objective of this study is to answer that question and produce a foundation that is usable when studying future uprisings in the Middle East and Syria. This is a qualitative research that uses multiple case studies that are compared in order to fulfil the objective of this study. The research if a desk study and uses an abductive approach. Two different theoretical concepts have been used in order to understand the dynamics that shaped the two rebellions. These are Frank H. Zimmerman's theory on why insurgencies fail and Frederick D. Miller's model of movement decline. The authors pinpoint different factors that makes a uprising prone to failure or success and these factors has been used as a lens when analysing the findings of this essay. The findings of this essay suggest that key differences that made an impact on the conflicts where the amount of local support, external support and the role of social media. In order to fully understand the dynamics that shapes modern rebellions, further research on the role of globalisation and social media is conflict must be conducted.

Previous investigators demonstrated that epididymal white adipose tissue (EWAT) lipectomy suppressed spermatogenesis and caused atrophy of the seminiferous tubules. EWAT lipectomy, however, may disrupt testicular innervation, which reportedly compromises testicular function. To resolve this confound and better clarify the role of EWAT in spermatogenesis, three experimental groups of hamsters were created in which: i.) the superior and inferior spermatic nerves were transected (SSNx) at the testicular level, ii.) EWAT was extirpated (EWATx), and iii.) testicular nerves and EWAT were left intact (SHAM controls). It was hypothesized that transection of the superior and inferior spermatic nerves would disrupt normal spermatogenesis. The findings indicate a significant reduction in spermatogenic activity and marked seminal tubule atrophy within the EWATx testis, as compared to the SSNx and controls testes, which did not differ significantly from each other. From these data, it is concluded that EWAT, and not testicular innervation, is central to normal spermatogenesis.

The main argument of this thesis is that Turkey, Syria and Iraq can solve their disagreements about water allocation, if these countries can develop broader cooperation framework comprising other water related development sectors such as energy, agriculture, health, environment industry, trade and transportation. Within this context, the key questions that should be raised are, &ldquo / what is the theoretical framework related to solving water issue, what are the relations and developments among the riparians concerning water problem, can the cooperative cases such as the Nile Basin Initiative and the South African Development Community be example for the cooperative efforts in the Euphrates-Tigris River Basin, how have the political and economic relations developed since the 1990s among the riparian countries of the Euphrates-Tigris river basin?&rdquo / Accordingly the thesis contains four main parts. The first chapter will be setting of a theoretical framework related to solving the water problem in the region. In the second part of the study, water problem among Turkey, Iraq and Syria will be evaluated in general through historical analysis of the water negotiations and positions of the riparians. In the third part, basic approach in studying this subject is to draw lessons from cooperative cases such as the Nile Basin Initiative and the South African Development Community. The last chapter will be the analyses of Turkish-Syrian and Turkish-Iraqi relations focusing on the water related development sectors such as energy, agriculture, industry, trade, transportation, health, and environment. Accordingly, this thesis has reached to the following conclusions: First, Water is a vital resourses for Turkey, Syria and Iraq. It is not only important for the agricultural production but for hydroelectric power generation, as well. Second, from the point of view of Syria and Iraq, the main reason for this negative atmosphere among the riparians of the Euphrates and Tigris river system is indicated to be the GAP (Southeastern Anatolia Project) which was started by Turkey as a major development project and Syria and Iraq, as downstream countries, accused Turkey to hamper the future agricultural projects of both Syria and Iraq. Third, the 1998 Adana Protocol and Bashar Assad&rsquo / s becoming president in the year 2000 can be regarded as the turning points of the beginning of the development in the relations between Turkey and Syria in the positive direction. The relations between Turkey and Iraq, which were nearly stopped in the Gulf War in 1991, have started to warm up after the second operation in 2003. Fourth, the developing relations carry great importance for the solution of the ongoing water problem among Turkey, Syria and Iraq.

Submitted by Willian Moraes Roberto (willianmroberto@gmail.com) on 2018-06-10T18:38:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 ROBERTO - AS MUDANÇAS NA POLÍTICA EXTERNA CONTEMPORÂNEA DA TURQUIA.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-06-11T15:08:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 roberto_wm_me_mar.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-11T15:08:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 roberto_wm_me_mar.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além disso, apontaremos que, em 2011, o governo turco passou a ter uma política externa mais assertiva, objetivando colocar o país como uma espécie de liderança regional usando-se de seu modelo político. Por fim, demonstraremos que, com o passar do tempo e a radicalização da guerra na Síria, em 2015 novamente a Turquia modificou sua política externa, também devido a novos choques externos, quais sejam a autonomia curda na Síria e o surgimento do Estado Islâmico. Desde então, em um cenário de maior constrangimento e limitações externas, o governo turco passaria a enfatizar questões securitárias, priorizando problemas advindos da Síria, sobretudo aqueles ligados à questão curda. / Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turkish government adopted a more assertive foreign policy, which aimed to place the country as a new regional leader through an emphasis on its political model. Finally, we will demonstrate that, over time, due to the radicalization of the Syrian war, Turkey again changed its foreign policy in 2015, also due to new external shocks, namely the achievement of Kurdish autonomy in Syria and the rise of the Islamic State. Since then, in a scenario of greater external constraints, the Turkish government would start to pay more attention to security issues, prioritizing problems arising from Syria, especially those related to the Kurdish issue.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Resumo: A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além di... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turki... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Le Moustérien se présente au Proche-Orient comme un technocomplexe qui associe des tendances générales dans la succession des industries lithiques, à une diversité technique difficile à cerner dans un cadre unitaire. Dans cette aire du bassin méditerranéen, témoin de dynamiques de peuplement complexes entre les continents, les modèles de la variabilité du Moustérien ont été élaborés à partir des sites de la zone côtière. Les sites de la zone steppique ont toujours été interprétés en relation à ces modèles. Pourtant, les données semblent témoigner d’une diversité technique plus importante. Nous proposons une lecture géographique de cette diversité à partir de la comparaison de trois séquences : Umm el Tlel, dans l’aire semi-aride de Syrie ; Yabroud I, dans les montagnes au nord de Damas ; et Ksar ‘Akil, sur la côte libanaise. A l’intérieur de la mosaïque paléoenvironnementale qui caractérise le Proche-Orient, chacun de ces sites rend compte d’un milieu particulier et permet d’appréhender la question des changements techniques dans différents contextes. L’analyse technologique met en évidence que, au-delà de la continuité d’un système de débitage unique, le système Levallois, chaque industrie témoigne d’objectifs et de méthodes différentes. La comparaison montre que les changements techniques ne se produisent pas partout de la même façon : à Umm el Tlel et Yabroud I, chaque couche présente une industrie différente, alors qu´à Ksar ‘Akil, une continuité technique est partagée par les industries de plusieurs couches, les changements se produisant à travers de grands ensembles successifs dans le temps. Nous proposons que ces différentes modalités de changements dans le temps soient liées à une diversité techno-culturelle plus importante des populations qui se sont succédées dans la zone steppique que dans la zone côtière. Des dynamiques d’occupation spécifiques de l’espace macro-régional sont alors proposées, qui peuvent expliquer ces différences. / The Near Easter Mousterian technocomplex shows some large chronological trends in the lithic industry changes, and also an internal technical diversity which is difficult to explain in a homogeneous framework. In this area of the Mediterranean basin, place of complex population dispersals between the continents, the first definitions and models of Mousterian variability, have been developed starting from sites in the coastal area. The steppic semi-arid area has always been interpreted using this model framework, but the data we have in this area suggest a deeper technical diversity. We introduce a geographical perspective to go through this technical diversity, based on the comparison of three Mousterian sequences: Umm el Tlel, in the semi-arid area of Syria, Yabroud I, in the mountainous area in the north of Damascus, and Ksar ‘Akil, on the Lebanese coast. In the paleoenvironmental mosaic which is the peculiarity of the Near Eastern region, each one of these sites belongs to a specific milieu, and documents the issue of technological changes in different contexts. Technical analyses show the continuity of the same production system, the Levallois débitage, shared by the industries of the three sites. In a comparative perspective, technical changes don’t appear at the same rhythm in the three sequences: in Umm el Tlel and Yabroud I, each layer has a different technological organisation; on the other side at Ksar ‘Akil a technical continuity is shared by several layers and changes appear following progressive trends during time. We suggest that these different change modalities are the result of a deeper techno-cultural diversity of human groups populating the steppic area. Specific settlement dynamics of the macro-regional space are suggested to explain these differences.

How do states perceive threats? Why are material forces sometimes more prominent in shaping threat perception, whereas ideational ones are key in other instances? This study aims to move beyond the task of determining whether material or ideational factors offer a more plausible explanation by arguing that threat perception is a function of the interplay between material factors and state identity, the influence of which can run both ways. Based on ‘analytical eclecticism’, I develop a two-layered conception of security as both physical and ontological, in which the interaction of ideational and material forces can be analysed. Ontological security is intimately connected with identity; its pursuit, therefore, requires distinctiveness and differentiation from the ‘Other’ as well as a coherent and consistent identity narrative at the domestic level. Physical security, on the other hand, involves the identification of threats that constitute a danger to the survival of the state. While ontological and physical security spheres have distinct dynamics and processes, they constitute two interrelated layers. Accordingly, I argue that states can suffer from ontological insecurity while their physical security remains intact, and vice versa. In some instances, physical security and its corresponding material forces condition identity narratives while in other instances the causal arrow points in the other direction. To illustrate these processes, I present a ‘structured, focused’ comparison of Syrian and Saudi threat perceptions during three major wars in the region: the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the 2006 Lebanon War, and the 2009 Gaza War. While providing novel insights for explaining the dynamics of threat perception in the Middle East, this study contributes to the broader IR literature by proposing a conceptual framework that links the literature on Self/Other relations, ontological security, and realism in IR theory. This study thus demonstrates the potential utility of bringing IR theory and the Middle East as an area study into closer dialogue.

This paper will focus on three alternative options for addressing the current crisis in Syria (direct military intervention, arming the rebels, and a diplomatic/political solution) that have been discussed by both scholars and politicians. The paper is divided into four main chapters. The introduction is the first one. The second chapter presents the three alternative policies, and the debate among some scholars and politicians in relevant issues. In the third chapter, the author analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments for each alternative. In chapter four, the author offers his recommendation by determining the best policy to pursue in Syria, arguing why it is the most suitable one.

With the conflict ongoing in Syria since 2011, many Syrian Kurds have been forced to leave their homes to seek safety and security in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Their displacement to KRI is a distinctive experience of migration as it has happened within an intra-ethnic setting of Syrian Kurds, as refugees, encountering Iraqi Kurds, as hosts. Sharing ethnic identification and imagination of a historical homeland but holding different nationalities, has turned identity and belonging into sites of contestation between the refugees and the hosts. Within this intra-ethnic setting of displacement, the study has investigated the construction of home and politics of identity and belonging among the refugees in relation to protection regimes and forms of inclusion and exclusion. This has been done through a content analysis of relevant policy and regulations for refugees in KRI and Iraq and a thematic analysis of individual narrative interviews with the refugees themselves. Research results from the policy analysis have indicated the lack of a comprehensive protection regime in Iraq and KRI, and the deployment of the ‘guests’ rhetoric towards the refugees as a responsibility evasion mechanism. Results from the interviews have revealed that home for the participants is plural, and it connects to Syria and Kurdistan to varying degrees. Their identity as Kurds is contested when their Syrianness is evoked with boundaries limiting their recognition to be both Syrian and Kurdish. Similarly, their belonging is challenged with their social position as refugees and their legal belonging to Syria. With this, they get involved into a continuum of politics of identity and belonging ranging between the situational demonstration of their Syrian identity and the role of ‘the successful Syrian refugee’, and the accentuation of their attachment to Kurdishness through belonging to Rojava. These politics have been discussed as reflecting a process of reconstructing Syrian Kurdish identity in the light of the experience of displacement and the intra-ethnic encounter. Contextualizing the research results in a wider perspective, it is argued that they carry further implications related to the Kurdish struggle with identity and belonging, not only in KRI, but in all the other parts of Kurdistan.

Le peptide RFRP-3 joue un rôle dans la régulation de l’axe hypothalamo-hypophyso-gonadotrope des mammifères. Le but de cette étude était de déterminer l’implication du RFRP-3 dans la régulation de l’axe reproducteur du hamster Syrien. Nos résultats montrent que le RFRP-3 stimule l’axe gonadotrope chez le hamster Syrien mâle, tandis qu’il a des effets variables chez la femelle. En effet, chez la femelle le peptide inhibe l’axe reproducteur lorsqu’il est administré au moment du pic pré-ovulatoire de LH le jour du proestrus, et n’a pas d’effet pendant le diestrus. Nous avons poursuivi notre étude par la caractérisation des sites d’action du RFRP-3 chez le hamster Syrien, en démontrant que l’effet du peptide sur l’axe gonadotrope est médié directement ou indirectement par les neurones à GnRH. De plus, nous avons écarté l’hypothèse d’un effet hypophysiotrope du peptide chez cette espèce. Pour conclure, les résultats présentés soulèvent de nombreuses questions quant aux effets espèce- et genre-dépendants du RFRP-3 sur l’axe gonadotrope du mammifère. / RFRP-3 has been shown to play a role in the regulation of the mammalian hypothalamic-pituitary-gonadal axis. The aim of this work was to determine the involvement of RFRP-3 in the regulation of the Syrian hamster reproductive axis. We report unprecedented results indicating that RFRP-3 stimulates the male Syrian hamster gonadotrophic axis, whereas it has variable effects in female Syrian hamsters. Indeed, in females the peptide inhibits the reproductive axis at the time of the LH surge on the day of proestrus, and has no effect during diestrus. We went on to characterize RFRP-3 sites of action in the Syrian hamster brain, and show that the effect of the peptide on the gonadotrophic axis is mediated directly or indirectly via GnRH neurons. Moreover, we clearly rule out the possibility of a hypophysiotrophic effect of RFRP-3 in this species. Taken together, the present data raise interesting questions regarding species- and sex-dependent effects of RFRP-3 on the mammalian gonadotrophic axis.