This final thesis examines the influence of the British Empire on the spread of democracy over the world. The British Empire is not considered to be just the exploiter but mainly as an Empire, which enforced the free trade, freedom and building the democratic institutions in the world. Thesis compares the British Empire with other European colonial powers focusing on advantages of British government and on impact of this government on former colonies. In spite of the fact that democracy was not accepted in all former British colonies, the British Empire made a great contribution to the support and expansion of the democracy and freedom in the world.

Cette thèse a pour objet la relation entre les Britanniques et les Hachémites depuis la Première Guerre mondiale, lorsque par la Révolte arabe, la famille du Chérif de La Mecque scelle son alliance avec la Grande-Bretagne, jusqu'à la révolution irakienne de 1958 qui renverse la monarchie hachémite dans ce pays. La relation anglo-hachémite est la coopération d'une puissance impériale avec une dynastie locale dont les membres sont cooptés par les Britanniques pour créer des régimes arabes favorables aux intérêts britanniques. Nous en proposons cependant une lecture originale en analysant l'influence des représentations culturelles sur la manière dont les Britanniques choisissent les Hachémites comme alliés puis coopèrent avec eux pendant plusieurs décennies. Les Hachémites correspondent aux critères raciaux et culturels qui fondent la vision britannique de ce qu'est l'identité arabe, en plus de jouir d'une légitimité religieuse grâce à leur ascendance et leur statut. En nous appuyant aussi bien sur les archives privées des responsables britanniques en poste auprès des Hachémites que sur les archives du gouvernement britannique, nous rendons compte de l'évolution du discours culturel des Britanniques sur les Hachémites en fonction du contexte politique. Les Britanniques jugent en effet la capacité de leurs alliés à incarner l'identité des pays qu'ils gouvernent tout en préservant les intérêts britanniques, et ce jusqu'au milieu des années 1950. Cette thèse entend ainsi illustrer le poids des représentations culturelles sur la manière dont les Britanniques choisissent et coopèrent avec les élites locales au sein de l'empire. / The object of this thesis is the relationship between the British and the Hashemites from the First World War, when the Arab revolt signaled the alliance between the sharif of Mecca's family and Great-Britain, to the 1958 Iraqi revolution which toppled the country's Hashemite monarchy. The relationship between Britain and the Hashemites was a cooperation between an imperial power and a local dynasty whose members were coopted by Britain to create Arab regimes friendly to British interests. However, the purpose of this thesis is to shed new light on this relationship by analysing the influence of cultural representations on the way the British chose the Hashemites as allies and cooperated with them for several decades afterwards. The Hashemites matched the racial and cultural criteria which formed the basis of the British vision of Arab identity, while this family also enjoyed a religious legitimacy derived from its ancestry and status. Through the use of both the private papers of the British officials who worked closely with the Hashemites and the archives of the British government, this thesis explores how the British cultural discourse on the Hashemites evolved according to the political context. The British judged their allies' capacity to embody the identity of the countries they ruled over while preserving British interests, all the way to the mid 1950's. This thesis thus intends to illustrate the influence of cultural representations on the way the British chose and cooperated with local elites in the empire.

S’inspirant des théories de « dégénérescence » avancées par Nordau et Spengler à la fin du XIXe et au début du XXe siècle, Lawrence pose l’hypothèse d’un déclin physique et moral des individus et des formes sociales collectives en Europe. Il se met donc en quête, à travers le voyage et sa narration, de possibilités de « régénération » que pourraient offrir les lieux et les cultures extra-européens. Ce faisant, il analyse la confrontation entre ses personnages voyageurs européens et l’altérité culturelle qu’ils découvrent, une altérité portée à la fois par les individus étrangers et les sociétés auxquelles ils appartiennent, les lieux et les forces sacrées qui peuplent ces derniers. Lawrence postule que la régénération, ou réanimation, du sujet européen dépend de la capacité du voyageur à se laisser altérer par la puissance étrangère. Chaque œuvre examine ainsi le processus d’altération que subit le sujet européen et qui dépend de divers facteurs, tels que la relation à la patrie, la finalité poursuivie à travers le voyage, la condition sociale, l’éducation, et le genre.L’œuvre lawrencienne s’intéresse en effet majoritairement à la réanimation du sujet féminin et la plupart de ses personnages voyageurs sont des voyageuses non-accompagnées, un choix singulier pour l’époque. Pourtant, Lawrence n’envisage pas d’auto-émancipation du sujet féminin, car sa réanimation n’est possible que grâce à la rencontre érotique avec un autre masculin, porteur d’un monde étranger.Lawrence expérimente toutefois avec diverses formes de régénération, individuelle et collective, politique et spirituelle, susceptibles de contribuer au renouveau de la civilisation occidentale. / Drawing on Nordau and Spengler’s theories of “degeneration” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Lawrence posits the idea of a physical and moral decline of both individuals and collective social forms in Europe. He therefore sets out, through his personal travels and travel narratives, on a quest for the “regenerative” possibilities which he believes non-European places and cultures may have to offer.His travel writings examine the encounter between his European characters and the cultural otherness they experience abroad in the form of foreign individuals and societies, places and the sacred powers that inhabit those places. Lawrence postulates that the “regeneration” or revitalisation of the European subject is determined by the traveller’s ability to let himself or herself be altered by the power of otherness. Each of his works thus analyses the process of alteration undergone by the European subject, which is affected by various factors such as the latter’s relationship to the home country and the end sought through travel, his social status, education and gender.Lawrence’s works are primarily concerned with the revitalisation of the female subject and most of his travelling characters are in fact unaccompanied female travellers – an uncommon choice at the time. Yet Lawrence does not contemplate the possibility of the female subject’s self-emancipation since her revitalisation can only be brought about by the erotic encounter with a male other endowed with the power of otherness.Lawrence nonetheless experiments with several types of regeneration – individual and collective, political and spiritual – which may contribute to the renewal of western civilisation.

La présente thèse de doctorat consiste en une enquête globale sur la participation du Golfe à plusieurs systèmes spatiaux, - politico-administratifs et économiques, régionaux et mondiaux -, et sur la constructionprogressive qui en résulte. L’enquête a ainsi cherché à renouer les fils de deux « histoires » généralement conçues comme distinctes et à éclairer les interactions qui en procèdent. La première est celle de l’impérialisme britannique et anglo-indien dans le Golfe, de son fonctionnement, de ses implications spatiales, idéologiques et de son imaginaire au XIXe siècle. Il s’est donc agi de retracer la construction politicoadministrative mais aussi géo-historique, d’un espace, le Golfe. La seconde s’est attachée à démontrer l’insertion du Golfe à différents espaces économiques, macro-régionaux et mondiaux, par l’étude de divers flux de produits. Le propos est organisé en deux grandes parties, subdivisées en 5 chapitres chacune, et il s’y s’ajoute une importante série d’annexes. Le Livre premier (chapitres 1 à 5), intitulé « Espaces, pouvoirs etviolences », porte sur la mise en place, par plusieurs « outils » majeurs, de l’impérialisme britannique et angloindien dans le Golfe. Le Livre second (chapitres 6 à 10) a pour titre « Flux, connexions et internationalisation ». Il se concentre sur l’internationalisation croissante du monde khalijien au cours du XIXe siècle et sur la progressive création de cet espace composite appelé le « Moyen-Orient », qui est centré autour du Golfe, et dont nous soutenons qu’il fut empiriquement inventé aux Indes. Est également mise au jour l’insertion économique du Golfe dans ce que les historiens ont appelé « the expanding world economy », à travers le double effet d’un désenclavement accentué au fil des décennies et d’une progressive augmentation quantitative des flux commerciaux, tout en ne perdant pas de vue les liens marchands et les interpénétrations avec les espaces macro-régionaux, fortement actifs au cours du XIXe siècle. / This thesis is a comprehensive study of the Arabo-Persian Gulf’s involvement in various ‘spacesystems’ —politico-administrative, economic, regional, and global— and the ensuing construction of the Gulf as a space. It aims to gather together the threads of two stories that are generally seen as separate, thereby illuminating the interactions between them. First, this thesis seeks to contribute to the understanding of British and Anglo-Indian imperialism in the Gulf: its operation, its spatial and ideological implications, and the ‘imaginaries’ it created. It reveals the politico-administrative and geo-symbolic creation of a space, the Gulf. Secondly, the aim is to emphasise, by examining various flows of products, the insertion of the Gulf into different economic areas, both at a regional and global level. The first volume (chapters 1 to 5), entitled“Spaces, Powers and Violence”, explains the setting of British and Anglo-Indian imperialism in the Gulf, through the use of different tools. The second volume (chapters 6 to 10), entitled “Flows, Connections and Internationalisation”, focuses on the growing internationalisation of the Gulf during the long nineteenth century, and on the gradual creation of what was, in the opinion of the author, a “composite” space, the Middle East. It is argued that the Middle East, centred on the Gulf, was empirically invented in India. Further, this second volume emphasises the insertion of the Gulf into what historians term “the expanding world economy”, through an on-going opening up of the region, and an increase in trade flows. At the same time, it recognises that economic links and interpenetrations with macro-regional areas remained strong.

Réinscrivant le Soudan anglo-égyptien dans l'histoire impériale britannique, cette thèse explore l'histoire scolaire soudanaise à l'ère de l'« ébranlement colonial » qui succéda à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les matériaux didactiques, les contenus prescrits et les pratiques pédagogiques sont analysés à la lumière de cinq développements majeurs des années 1945-1953 : le virage « paternoprogressiste » des politiques coloniales britanniques en Afrique, dont l'objectif était désormais de préparer les peuples colonisés à l'autogouvernance ; la polarisation des positions britannique et égyptienne sur la question du Soudan ; la concurrence accrue entre les deux courants du nationalisme soudanais (indépendantiste et unioniste) ; l'unification hâtive du Nord et du Sud-Soudan après plus d'un demi-siècle de gestion séparée ; et la tentative des élites nord-soudanaises de construire un Etat-nation arabo-musulman.Le second volet de la thèse est consacré à une mise en perspective diachronique et synchronique de l'histoire scolaire soudanaise de fin d'Empire : celle-ci marqua-t-elle une véritable rupture par rapport à l'histoire scolaire pratiquée au Soudan jusqu'en 1945 ? Quelles étaient les convergences et les divergences entre l'histoire scolaire du Soudan et celle d'autres territoires de l'(ex-)Empire britannique (Ouganda, Rhodésie du Nord, Nigeria, Égypte, Inde, Grande-Bretagne) ? Ma réflexion s'achève surdeux problèmes cruciaux de l'ère postcoloniale : la décolonisation – ou non – des récits historiques scolaires après l'indépendance (1956) et le rôle catalyseur de l'histoire scolaire dans la guerre civile entre le Nord et le Sud-Soudan. / Situating the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan in the wider frame of British imperial history, this dissertation investigates school history in late colonial Sudan. Didactic materials, prescribed contents and pedagogic practices are analyzed against the background of five major developments of the 1945-1953 period: the shifting of British imperialism in Africa towards “paternalist-progressive” policies aiming at preparing colonial peoples for self-government; the polarization of British and Egyptian positions on the Sudanese issue; mounting rivalries between the independentist and unionist wings of Sudanese nationalism; the hasty unification of Northern and Southern Sudan after more than half a century of separate rule; and Northern Sudanese policies of Arabization and Islamization in the South as a tool for achieving “national unification”.In a second part, the innovative character of post-WWII history teaching in Sudan is assessed by examining earlier patterns of Sudanese school history. History teaching in late colonial Sudan is then compared with history teaching in other territories of the (ex-)Empire (Uganda, North Rhodesia, Nigeria, Egypt, India, Great Britain). Two central postcolonial issues are further explored, namely the decolonization of school historical narratives after independence (1956) and the role of history teaching in fuelling the North-South conflict in Sudan.

Esta tese analisa as relações entre indígenas e criollos estabelecidas na Argentina e as entre os Maori e os pakeha na Nova Zelândia, entre as décadas de 1820 e 1880. Suas fontes são relatos de viagens, cartas, relatórios, petições, abaixo-assinados, leis e tratados de paz. São acompanhadas as transformações ocorridas no período, traçados os diferentes projetos dos grupos em luta pelo poder político, as aproximações e distanciamentos, e as estratégias de Caciques e Chefes para participar e controlar as redes de trocas, e evitar a perda de poder e territórios. A análise da atuação britânica permitiu estabelecer conexões entre regiões distantes no espaço, mas próximas quanto às situações vividas. A comparação entre uma colônia do Império Britânico e uma república recém-independente permitiu a compreensão da circulação de ideias, pessoas e produtos e a consolidação de imagens e de discursos que estabeleciam diferenças entre anglicanos e católicos, monarquistas e republicanos. Diante da expansão liberal, tanto os indígenas pampeanos quanto os Maori da Nova Zelândia superaram tradicionais rivalidades e tentaram expulsar criollos e pakehas. Quando foram associados à barbárie por colonos, militares e governantes, enfrentaram os exércitos, armados com os mais recentes e eficientes inventos da guerra, do transporte e da comunicação. Combatidos por estratégias etnocidas ou genocidas, foram derrotados, tiveram seus territórios anexados às jurisdições, terras inseridas nos mercados, e as próprias existências independentes suprimidas / a quick turn on the next years. One of the major objectives of the research is the comprehension of , and freedom, and joining in trade networks. The comparison between a British white settler colony and a republic, and Salinas Grandes in Argentina. Associated by settlers, and their own existences as independent were suppressed. The sources analyzed were travel accounts, and willing to defend their own authority, as the King Movement in New Zealand, as whell as the Maori and pakeha in New Zealand, claim, exposed how ideas, from 1826 to 1885. During this time, laws and peace treaties., letters, military and the government to barbarism, native Chiefs united themselves in organized resistance confederations, people and products circulated through the globe. Facing major liberal interests in their lands, recently independent, reports, social and commercial relations between the indigenous peoples of Argentina and the criollos, sovereignty, the political power balance changed from a clear native superiority, their land to the markets, then, they lost their territory to official government jurisdiction, they were attacked by professional armies and their modern guns, This research are focused on comparisons on political, to a draw in the 1850s and, transports and communication. Beaten by ethnocide or genocide strategies

In the British Empire many revolutionary changes took place from the 1850s. In my thesis I focused on the analysis of those issues and phenomena which are sufficiently reflected in the English-language belles-lettres, along with a comparison of topics in a historical context in those thematic areas where the comparison is possible, but even in those where possibility of feedback is missing. Given the specificity of the whole work is an introduction and conclusion concerns the question of literary texts as a study of sources. The aim is to answer the question whether the use of belles-lettres as a source in this particular topic is possible, and if so, under what conditions.

Esta tese analisa as relações entre indígenas e criollos estabelecidas na Argentina e as entre os Maori e os pakeha na Nova Zelândia, entre as décadas de 1820 e 1880. Suas fontes são relatos de viagens, cartas, relatórios, petições, abaixo-assinados, leis e tratados de paz. São acompanhadas as transformações ocorridas no período, traçados os diferentes projetos dos grupos em luta pelo poder político, as aproximações e distanciamentos, e as estratégias de Caciques e Chefes para participar e controlar as redes de trocas, e evitar a perda de poder e territórios. A análise da atuação britânica permitiu estabelecer conexões entre regiões distantes no espaço, mas próximas quanto às situações vividas. A comparação entre uma colônia do Império Britânico e uma república recém-independente permitiu a compreensão da circulação de ideias, pessoas e produtos e a consolidação de imagens e de discursos que estabeleciam diferenças entre anglicanos e católicos, monarquistas e republicanos. Diante da expansão liberal, tanto os indígenas pampeanos quanto os Maori da Nova Zelândia superaram tradicionais rivalidades e tentaram expulsar criollos e pakehas. Quando foram associados à barbárie por colonos, militares e governantes, enfrentaram os exércitos, armados com os mais recentes e eficientes inventos da guerra, do transporte e da comunicação. Combatidos por estratégias etnocidas ou genocidas, foram derrotados, tiveram seus territórios anexados às jurisdições, terras inseridas nos mercados, e as próprias existências independentes suprimidas / a quick turn on the next years. One of the major objectives of the research is the comprehension of , and freedom, and joining in trade networks. The comparison between a British white settler colony and a republic, and Salinas Grandes in Argentina. Associated by settlers, and their own existences as independent were suppressed. The sources analyzed were travel accounts, and willing to defend their own authority, as the King Movement in New Zealand, as whell as the Maori and pakeha in New Zealand, claim, exposed how ideas, from 1826 to 1885. During this time, laws and peace treaties., letters, military and the government to barbarism, native Chiefs united themselves in organized resistance confederations, people and products circulated through the globe. Facing major liberal interests in their lands, recently independent, reports, social and commercial relations between the indigenous peoples of Argentina and the criollos, sovereignty, the political power balance changed from a clear native superiority, their land to the markets, then, they lost their territory to official government jurisdiction, they were attacked by professional armies and their modern guns, This research are focused on comparisons on political, to a draw in the 1850s and, transports and communication. Beaten by ethnocide or genocide strategies

This thesis examines the ways in which the British mandate conceptualised, encountered, and sought to manage mental illness in Palestine between 1920 and 1948. The subject of mental illness has hitherto received partial consideration by historians interested in the Yishuv, who treat this period as formative for the Israeli mental health service. This thesis shifts the focus from European Jewish psychiatrists to the British mandate's engagements with mental illness, thus contributing to the well-developed literature on colonial psychiatry. Where this thesis departs from many of these institutionally-focussed histories of colonial psychiatry is in its source base; lacking hospital case files or articles in psychiatric journals, this thesis draws on an eclectic range of material from census reports and folklore research to petitions and prison records. In bringing together these strands of the story of psychiatry and mental illness, this thesis seeks to move beyond the continued emphasis in the historiography of Palestine on politics, nationalism, and state-building, and to develop our understanding of state and society by examining how they interacted in relation to the question of mental illness. This thesis thus widens the cast of historical actors from psychiatric experts alone to take in policemen, census officials, and families. In addition, this thesis seeks to situate Palestine within wider mandatory, British imperial, and global contexts, not to elide specificities, but to resist a persistent historiographical tendency to treat Palestine as exceptional. The first part traces the development of British mandatory conceptualisations of mental illness through the census of 1931 and then through a focus on specific causes of mental illness thought to be at work in Palestine. The second part examines two contexts in which the mandate was brought into contact with the mentally ill: the law and petitions. The final part of the thesis explores two distinct therapeutic regimes introduced in this period: patient work and somatic treatments.

This dissertation investigates the balance of power theory of international relations in the works of Jonathan Swift and his mentor Sir William Temple. Both Temple and Swift are known to have championed balance-of-power foreign policy, yet no sustained study of the subject exists. To begin, I argue that Temple used balance as a metaphor for division or separation. His policy of preserving the “Balance of Christendom” translates to sowing division among European states, and for the same reason he rejects balance of power at home. Proceeding to Swift, while commentators have long known that he advocated the classical theory of constitutional balance, they have neglected his engagement with international balance. Swift assimilates Temple’s positions into a universal theory based on classical authors; he sees balance of power as an element in the broader quarrel of ancients and moderns. The ancient view posits an independent agent who operates within the constraints of a system; the modern, by contrast, either exaggerates agency to the point of divine-right absolutism or minimizes it to the extent that only an impersonal, clockwork-like system remains. In both cases, the moderns pursue material power at each other’s expense, neglecting the intangible benefits of due separation. This theory has important ramifications for Swift’s international writings. For years scholars have emphasized Swift’s conspiracy theorizing in the Conduct of the Allies, but I argue that he discredits the Whig war cry of “Balance of Europe,” which sought military power (the balance of forces) as an end in itself, and reasserts balance as a policy of slicing Europe into as many separate kingdoms as possible. Ultimately, however, Swift’s most lasting contribution appears in Gulliver’s Travels. Here he depicts maritime power as the quintessential means by which moderns pursue absolute power, and intimates a political “Balance of Earth” as a satirical correction. This study, the first to focus on the international dimension of Swift’s political theory, offers a corrective to literary studies that favor domestic politics and yields insights into the evolution of balance-of-power theory and the intersection of culture and foreign policy at the dawn of the British empire. / text