隨著民主治理的發展，有效調和民主憲政與文官專業價值，才能夠確保民主政治運作的效能。背景因素使得政務官與事務官間的互動，愈具舉足輕重的角色。從相關研究可以理解，欲直接觀察政務官與事務官細部的互動並不容易，兩者間細部的互動對外界而言始終是一個黑盒子。因此，本研究使用鮮少作為該議題研究主體的影視產品進行分析。選擇英國經典影集「Yes, Minister」，乃因該劇主要以描繪政務官與事務官互動為主，描寫程度相當細膩。藉此旁觀的角度一窺政務官與事務官的互動，確實是個能夠協助深入理解該議題的良好個案。 研究設計的基礎為文本分析法，透過建構分析路徑，分別從兩者本質、選擇偏好、表現作為，以及互動後對政策產出的討論。先將14集研究樣本進行相同路徑的文本化，再將文本化的樣本進行論述與類型化。研究發現事務官的互動技巧，包括行政權力的作為與不作為、可行性評估、影響政務體系與政務官以及納入外部勢力等，目的為提升參與決策的條件，細部列出24項互動技巧；另一方面，政務官則可透過經驗複製、行政學習、媒體與聲望經營與納入外部力量等，目的為提升統治便利性與正當性，細部列出13項互動技巧。兩者的互動呈現出互相制衡的本質，若各自無法有效負責與調和時，易形成雙重價值選擇的壓力。 本研究提出以「鐘擺效果」解釋政務官與事務官的互動，兩者在制衡關係的基礎上，隨著時序性的影響而改變互動模式。基本上的互動如鐘擺式擺盪，進而系統性因素將會因時序性遞減，激發出最適的政策結果。最終提出兩大項建議：首先，從制衡到動態平衡的關係，正視制衡現象的存在、立基於分權制衡上的信任關係、減少彼此錯誤解讀的機會，以及培養持續監督與自省能力；其二，設定政策決策的妥協底線，認知非任務型指標的超然價值，以及試著創造沒有共識的共識。 / In any democratic state’s development, how to effectively reconcile the two values of constitutional democracy and bureaucratic expertise is fundamental to ensure the proper functioning and efficacy of democratic politics. As Taiwan further consolidates its democracy, the interaction between the political appointees and senior civil servants becomes ever more important in achieving a balance of pluralistic values on the one hand, and government’s administrative efficiency, on the other. Yet past research has found that it is not easy to observe directly the details of the interaction between political appointees and civil servants; to the external world, the actual interaction between the two has always been a black box. Therefore, to shed light on that black box, this study analyzes the interaction between appointees and civil servants as depicted in film and television programs. The classic British series, “Yes Minister,” was chosen as the study’s research subject because it portrays the minister-bureaucrat interactive behavior skillfully and poignantly, which allows a deeper understanding of the issue. The study employs textual analysis as the principal research method. Each of the series’ 14 episodes had been textually reinterpreted by using the same analytical paths, which were constructed by first categorizing the nature, choice preferences, display behaviors, and post-interaction reaction to policy outputs for both political appointees and senior civil servants. The research has found that civil servants, in their pursuit for greater participation in decision-making, exhibit as many as 24 distinct interactive behaviors with their political superiors. Some of these behaviors include administrative action and inaction, call for feasibility assessment, manipulation of the political system, and incorporation of external forces. On the other hand, political appointees, in their effort to achieve political expediency and legitimacy, have 13 behaviors of their own through experience replication, administrative learning, media and reputation management, and inclusion of external forces. Both sets of interactive behaviors are essentially parts of a checks-and-balances system. When responsibilities are unclear and actions cannot be coordinated effectively, the agency then becomes vulnerable to role ambiguity and double value selection problems. This research proposes a “pendulum effect” to explain the interaction between political appointees and civil servants. Because the appointees and civil servants have a mutual checks and balances relationship, both parties will alter their interactive behavior depending on the timing of events. Essentially, the interaction between the two sides will initially swing freely like a pendulum; subsequently, system factors will cause the pendulum to progressively decrease its swing, ultimately arriving at the most optimal policy result. In conclusion, this study makes two major recommendations. First, both political appointees and civil servants need to understand that they are in a dynamic equilibrium, in which they check and balance each other’s actions. By acknowledging the check and balance nature of their relationship, both minimize the chance of misinterpreting each other, and may develop the healthy capacity of ongoing oversight and self-introspection. Second, both political appointees and civil servants must establish a baseline in any policy negotiation and compromise, recognize the (sometimes) extraordinary value of non-mission-based indicators, and attempt to create a consensus when no consensus exists.

Text in Afrikaans / In hierdie studie is gepoog om die sogenaamde "reg om te staak" aan die hand van nasionale en internasionale invloede te ontleed. Dit is veral die International labour Organisation se voorstelle wat 'n invloed gehad het om die Suid-Afrikaanse reg in lyn met die internasionale posisie te bring. Daar word egter gewys op die beperkinge van die reg om te staak, byvoorbeeld in die geval van noodsaaklike dienste en staatsdiensamptenare. Vervolgens is die Suid-Afrikaanse stakingsreg onder die loep geneem en is daar gekyk na die gemene reg, statutere reg en die gevolge van 'n staking. Die Suid-Afrikaanse reg is toe vergelyk met 'n aantal ILO-beginsels. Die moontlike invloed van die Grondwet, 200 van 1993 op die arbeidsreg is bespreek. Die ·studie konkludeer dat, alhoewel daar nie 'n absolute reg om te staak is nie, sodanige reg onder sekere omstandighede erken moet word. / The aim of the study was to analyse the so-called "right to strike" by looking at national as well as international influences on the subject. The suggestions by the International labour Organisation in particular had an influence on changing the South African position. The limitations on the right to strike were also scrutinized. The South African strike law was discussed. The common law position, statutory law as well as the consequences of a strike were analysed. The South African position was also compared with a few llO principles. The possible influence of the Constitution, Act 200 of 1993 on labour law was discussed. The study concluded that, althot:.Jgh there is not an absolute right to strike, such a right must be recognized in certain circumstances. / Mercentile Law / LL. M.

La lutte contre le terrorisme est une préoccupation contemporaine des diplomaties, alors que sa définition internationale demeure introuvable. Dans une approche organisationnelle, les hauts fonctionnaires du ministère français des Affaires étrangères partageraient une vision commune sur la violence terroriste et un « savoir-faire » qui leur permettraient de prendre des décisions efficaces pour la prévenir et la combattre. Or, dans une approche constructiviste, la lutte contre le terrorisme relève de relations intersubjectives comprenant l’activation de systèmes de croyances ou Operational Codes (OPCODES) différents, selon que les diplomates français viennent de l’ENA ou du Concours d’Orient. Ces croyances jouent un rôle dans la façon que les hauts fonctionnaires voient le monde, l’ennemi, mais aussi se perçoivent dans leurs fonctions. Ce sont aussi des croyances préexistantes, forgées à partir des expériences et des engagements personnels, qui font que les décisions en matière d’antiterrorisme ne relèvent pas seulement de considérations sécuritaires, mais aussi de motivations matérielles, émotionnelles, cognitives et morales pour un Etat comme la France / The fight against terrorism is a contemporary concern shared in state diplomacy, though no such common definition exists in international affairs. From an organizational approach, senior civil servants of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs are thought to share a global vision on terrorist violence and a savoir-faire that should allow them to make effective decisions in their efforts to prevent and fight against it. However, in a constructivist approach, the war on terrorism draws its inspiration from inter-subjective relations that activate a set of belief systems or different Operational Codes (OPCODES). These beliefs systems, though dependent French diplomats’ background (Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA) or the Concours d’Orient), contribute to their decision making process. Thus, these beliefs play a role in the way decision makers see the world, the enemy, but also as to how they perceive themselves in their duties. These pre-existing beliefs which have been forged through personal experiences and commitments are responsible for shaping a decision making process that is not solely based on security concerns. They are in fact, also determined by material, emotional, cognitive and moral motivations for a state such as that of France

Notre étude s’intéresse au travail des fonctionnaires internationaux du Bureau du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général de l’ONU chargé de la question des violences sexuelles commises en période de conflit (RSSG-VSC) en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) sous le prisme de l’idéal type wébérien de la bureaucratie. À partir de six entretiens semi-directifs et de l’analyse de sources publiques onusiennes, cette étude vise à mettre en perspectives les points de vue des fonctionnaires du Bureau au regard de leurs missions et des moyens dont ils disposent pour les remplir. Ce travail s’intéresse aussi à la portée de l’action du Bureau du RSSG-VSC en RDC, du point de vue de ces fonctionnaires internationaux basé au siège. Aucune étude qualitative n’a été menée sur le travail des fonctionnaires du Bureau du RSSG-VSC par le passé. De plus, les rapports annuels du Secrétaire général disponibles au grand public ne permettent pas de comprendre l’intégralité de son action en RDC. Ainsi, ce projet de recherche cherche précisément à combler cette lacune. L’analyse des données recueillies montre que la création du mandat aurait été préméditée : en effet, malgré plusieurs résolutions du Conseil de sécurité et appels à la cessation de ces violences, la perpétration de ces crimes perdurait. Ainsi, le mandat du Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général pour les Enfants et les conflits armés aurait permis, grâce à un travail de plaidoyer combiné avec les appels de la communauté internationale, à la création du mandat du RSSG-VSC. Les objectifs du mandat, à savoir mettre fin aux violences sexuelles liées aux conflits à travers le monde en contribuant à libérer la parole des victimes, assurer leur réintégration dans les communautés, comblant les lacunes et renforçant les connaissances sur ces crimes sont partagés par tous les répondants, de manière identique. De plus, la vision de leur travail au sein du Bureau est unanimement partagée. Toutefois, les points de vue des répondants divergent davantage lorsqu'ils abordent le thème de la portée des actions du Bureau. Les défis à relever par le mandat sont encore nombreux afin d’éradiquer de la surface de la planète les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits. / Our study focuses on the work achieved by international civil servants at the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict (SRSG-SVC), regarding the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) through the prism of the Weberian bureaucracy. Based on six semi-directive interviews and the analysis of United Nations public sources, this study aims to providing perspectives on the views of the Office’s officials in relation to their missions and the means at their disposal to carry them out. This academic work also focuses on the scope of the work of the RSSG-VSC Office in the DRC, from the point of view of these international officials based in headquarters. So far, no qualitative studies had been conducted on the topic of the work of these civil servants. In addition to that, the Secretary-General’s annual reports drafted by this Office do not provide an understanding of the full scope of the work done in the DRC. Thus, this research project seeks to fill this gap. The analysis of the data collected shows that the creation of the mandate would have been premeditated: indeed, despite several Security Council resolutions and call for the end to conflict-related sexual violence, these crimes continue to be perpetrated. Thus, the mandate of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict would have enabled the creation of the mandate of the SRSG-SVC, through advocacy work combined with multiple calls from the international community. The mandate’s goals which are ending conflict-related sexual violence around the world by helping to free victims’ voices, ensuring their reintegration into communities, filling gaps and strengthening knowledge about these crimes are shared by all respondents. In addition, the vision of their work within the Office is unanimously shared. However, respondents’ views differ when addressing the scope of the Office’s actions. The mandate still faces many challenges to end rape in war.

En 1944, le Conseil national de la Résistance décide de reconstruire un Etat social dans la continuité du Front populaire, avant que le second conflit ne l’interrompe. Les syndicats ouvriers réunifiés dans la CGT (sauf la CFTC) décident de soutenir ce programme. Les syndicats de fonctionnaires de Seine-Maritime s’organisent pour participer à cette reconstruction qu’ils attendaient. Quels sont leurs revendications ? Sur quoi s’appuient-ils pour les mettre en avant ? Quels sont les valeurs qu’ils défendent ? Attendent-ils tout de l’Etat social ? Quelle est leur conception de cet Etat social ? Enfin, quels moyens utilisent-ils pour le défendre et le faire progresser ? Obtenant la reconnaissance de leur liberté syndicale qui comprend le droit de grève, ils acceptent un statut qui se révèle fort protecteur vis-à-vis de l’administration et de sa hiérarchie. Ils obtiennent aussi la gestion de la Sécurité sociale par leurs mutuelles qui les entraînent, en Seine-Maritime, à construire une mutualité départementale unifiée et puissante. Toutefois, la division du monde en deux blocs, un libéral et un communiste, traverse ces syndicats et aboutit à la scission de 1947. Cela n’empêche pas la participation aux grèves de 1953 qui leur permet de sauver leur retraite. S’ils soutiennent le général de Gaulle (1890-1970) dans sa politique de décolonisation et contre les généraux factieux, ils l’affrontent sur sa politique institutionnelle, économique et sociale. La grève de 1968 en est l’aboutissement, par-delà les remises en cause. Mais pour rétablir l’Etat social qu’ils souhaitent, il leur faut soutenir les campagnes électorales de 1974 et 1981 du candidat de la gauche, François Mitterrand (1916-1996), qui l’emporte en 1981, en dépit de leurs divergences et grâce à la volonté unitaire de leurs militants. / In 1944, the National Council of Resistance decides to rebuild a welfare state, in continuation of the Popular Front, that the second World War stops it. The trade unions reunified, in CGT (except CFTC) decide to sustain this program. The trade unions of civil servants from Seine-Maritime organize themselves to take part in this rebuild that they waited for it. What are their demands ? On What do they lean themselves to put them before ? What are their values for which they fight? Do they wait all from the state ? What is their idea of this welfare state ? At least, what means do they use to fight for it and bring it to progress ? Getting the recognition of their freedom union laws, which includes right striking, they agree civil servant status which turn out very protective against their adminstration and its hierarchy. They get too the management of Health Security by their mutual insurances which lead them, in Seine-Maritme, to build a powerful departemental mutual insurance. However, the division of world in two blocks, one liberal and one communist, goes through these trade unions and leads to the break away of 1947 That does not prevent the participation to strikes of 1953 wich they are be able to save their retirement. If they sustain general De Gaulle in his decolonization policy and ag ainst seditious generals, they clash him on his institutional, économic and social policy. The strike of 1968 is the culmination of it, throuhgout adjournements. But in order to restore the welfare state that they hope, they must sustain lefts’ candidate, François Mitterrand, in their electoral compaigns of 1974 and 1981, who wins in this last year, in spite of their differences and thanks to the Will of unity of their activists.

La tesis pretende conciliar dos realidades tradicionalmente alejadas entre sí como son la retribución mediante arancel de ciertos funcionarios públicos y el Derecho Tributario. Un alejamiento aparente ya que el arancel no pasa inadvertido para esta disciplina, como lo atestigua su encaje sistemático en la parafiscalidad, concepto que designa a aquellos ingresos que, a pesar de revestir naturaleza tributaria, no se someten al ordenamiento tributario. Siguiendo un criterio metodológico clásico, se sustenta la naturaleza tributaria parafiscal del arancel partiendo de los rasgos de su régimen jurídico. Como idea final se deduce la existencia de una prestación que requiere un profundo cambio en su estructura jurídica, sin perjuicio de las dificultades que ello entrañaría, dado que ello nos podría conducir a otro debate de honda repercusión política, social y económica como es el de la organización jurídica de los fedatarios públicos en España. / The thesis tries to provide a common study between two concepts traditionally opposed in its scientific treatment as the payment of certain civil servants -public notaries and Register Office- with 'arancel' -Spanish formal denomination- and the Spanish Tax Law. Despite it´s not ruled by tax laws, the 'arancel' shares the nature of taxes, according to Spanish Tax General Act. Initially we introduce its present structure and then afterwards we propose it as a tax This figure requires a deep change in its legal structure. However, we are aware of finding serious difficulties in our proposal, because we are treating a matter which could imply discussing about another important question not only in legal points of view but also political, economic and social about the opportunity of modifying the regulation of civil servants who are entitled to give services of public faith in Spanish Law.