Strategic alliance is a little-known alliance between Turkey and Israel. These two in the region exceptional countries are gaining a lot from what was initially military and economic cooperation, however, not as much as originally hoped. At the same time they have to face severe criticisms from their neighbors for this alliance. Therefore, the question the work seeks to answer is what the future prospects for the Strategic Alliance are and what factors could affect its future. Analysis of the circumstances and reasons for establishment and development of the alliance strives to describe all aspects which could lead to its break-down. In addition to military and business cooperation the paper deals with the issue of ethnic conflict in Turkey and in Israel, the use of water in the region and, in particular, analyzes relations with other countries in the Middle East and beyond, having impact on the alliance development.

This thesis investigates depictions in the Kurdish media (Rudaw and Firat News Agency (ANF)) of mass violence perpetrated against Kurdish civilians in northern and northeastern Syria – an area known to Kurds as Rojava – in recent years. Articles from two media organizations were subject to mixed-method text analysis (quantitative and qualitative) to uncover how mass violence was portrayed. The theory of framing in the media is used to show how violence is committed and what role ideology plays in this process. It is subsequently used in order to uncover commonly used frames for the roles played by various actors involved in mass violence. Hence, a comparison is made between the contents of the two media institutions. The results primarily relate to the role of ideology in the coverage of mass violence by the selected Kurdish media outlets, which are affiliated with two major Kurdish political parties, one left-leaning and one right-leaning. Findings revealed different aspects of mass violence, governed principally by nationalist and partisan orientations. Nationalist agendas played a significant role in Rudaw’s content and a smaller one in ANF’s. Partisan agendas had roughly the same magnitude in both, and the two outlets clashed politically but met nationalistically in many areas. The research questions were addressed through a content analysis of tens of stories disseminated by both Kurdish media organizations during the same time-space.

The main aim of the master thesis titled "Nation-Building in Iraq after 2003" is to evaluate the success of nation-building processes in Iraq between 2003 and 2011. The analytical approach of the German political scientist Jochen Hippler serves as a theoretical and terminological starting point. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter deals with the general and conceptional problems and of the terms "nation" and "nation-building". This is followed by a brief overview of Iraqi history. The next part is devoted to Hippler's three central elements of successful nation-building applied to the Iraqi context (i.e. integrating ideology, national integration and state-building). The third chapter explores whether ethnosectarian identities are subordinate to Iraqi national identity. The forth chapter is focused on Kurdish- Iraq relations and its potential implications for territorial (and economic) cohesion of Iraq and the following chapter deals with capabilities of the state apparatus concerning governance, providing security and delivering basic services. In conclusion, the level of success is summarized in the three dimensions respectively as well as with regad to overall nation- building process in Iraq.

SYNOPSIS The principal objective of this thesis, entitled The Role of the Kurdish Civic Association in the Integration of the Kurds into Czech Society, focuses on defining the basic terms (integration, civic society, migrants' association), and briefly describes the legislative impact of migration on Czech civil society. The role of the established civic sector in the integration process is outlined, and types and functions of migrants' associations are defined. In addition, insight into the migration of the Kurds and their ways of associating within a host society is provided. Research data is based on analyzed questionnaire results: surveys completed by a research pool of 27 Kurds living in the Czech Republic, aged 15 and over. Participant observation at Kurdish meetings and events - both formal and informal, and individual interviews were the methods of choice for evaluating the importance and function of the Kurdish civic association. In conclusion, evaluated data has been summarized and recommendations given for further activities of the Kurdish civic association. KEY WORDS Integration, Kurds, Kurdish civic association, migration, civic society, civic sector, migrant association

As commonly understood, and particularly espoused by Kurdish nationalists, the Kurds are by far the largest ethnic group in the world without their own nation-state. An estimated 2 to 2.5 million ethnically Kurdish people inhabit portions of Syria. There are approximately 6.5 million ethnically Kurdish people in Iraq, 7.6 million in Iran, and 16 million in Turkey. Overall, there are about 30 million Kurds in the world. In the broader context of the Kurdish nationalist struggle, this paper suggests that there is a growing bipolar hegemony for power over the control of Kurdish land and politics. Research was predicated around the question of why not all Kurdish groups pursue full independence. Standing in contrast to each other despite relatively similar goals is the Group of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) and the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP). The KCK movement is the more diverse of the two, with its member organizations being the dominant forces of the Kurdish movement in Turkey, Syria, and Iran. Within Turkey, the KCK is represented politically through the HDP and PKK, along with the armed wing of the PKK (HPG). In Syria, KCK is represented politically through the PYD and its armed wing YPG. In Iran, the KCK is represented by PJAK and in Iraq it is represented by the PÇDK. In Syria and Turkey, KCK affiliated groups are the dominant political and militia force. The only Kurdish inhabited region where this is not the case is in the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq, which is dominated politically, economically, and militarily by the KDP and its affiliates. The two camps differ in a host of ways: the KCK espouses anti-state, anarcho-socialist sentiment while the KDP opts for establishing a traditional nation-state. The KCK has poor relations with Turkey universally, while the KDP and by extension the KRG has warm relations built off of growing economic interests. Most importantly, their end goals for Kurdish society are drastically different: KCK organization call for autonomous communities and do not advocate for a state, in direct contrast to the KDP’s long iii term goal of an independent nation-state for the Kurdish people. Despite the common enemy of Islamic State, tensions between the two camps have only increased as each looks to become the voice for the Kurdish nation.

Aucun projet d’autodétermination kurde n’a donné lieu à un État souverain. Cependant, en 1991, une entité politique autonome kurde est née de facto au nord de l’Irak. Puis, en 2004, son statut a été élevé à celui de jure. Similairement, une entité autonome kurde existe de facto en Syrie depuis 2012. En même temps, les Kurdes de la Turquie et de l’Iran ont du mal à revendiquer leurs prétentions envers leurs États parents. Cela soulève des questions sur les facteurs qui déterminent les trajectoires de ces projets d’autodétermination. Ce mémoire de thèse propose que c’est une combinaison des effets des institutions étatiques et de la politique des Grandes Puissances qui les explique. Son cadre théorique est axé sur la supposition qu’on peut étendre la portée des théories institutionnalistes et géopolitiques issues de la bibliographie sur la sécession à l’ensemble des expressions d’autodétermination, y inclue l’autonomie. Ayant adopté un design de recherche d’étude de cas comparative, ce mémoire teste ses hypothèses à partir des données empiriques retracées à compter d’évènements clés, comme les crises d’État-nation, dans les trajectoires des projets d’autodétermination kurdes en Turquie, Syrie, Irak et Iran. Les trouvailles renforcent l’argument principal et sont spécifiquement significatives concernant l’intercession des Grandes Puissances. En somme, quand les revendications d’autodétermination s’alignent sur les intérêts des Grandes Puissances, celles-ci peuvent compenser les arrangements institutionnels non favorables sur place, ce qui permet l’apparition ou la consolidation de l’entité politique. Lorsqu’il y a un désalignement entre les deux, les Grandes Puissances soutiendront le statu quo. / Kurdish self-determination projects have not produced a sovereign state. However, later upgraded to de jure status in 2004, a Kurdish-led de facto autonomous polity emerged in 1991 in northern Iraq. Another Kurdish de facto autonomous polity exists in Syria since 2012. Meanwhile, Turkish and Iranian Kurds struggle to press their claims against their home state leaders. This raises questions about the factors that determine the trajectories of their self-determination projects. This thesis contends that it is a combination of domestic institutions and Great Power politics that inform them and builds its theoretical framework on the assumption that institutionalist and geopolitical explanations from the literature on secession can be extended to other expressions of self-determination, as autonomy. Through a comparative case study research design, this thesis tests a set of hypotheses against empirical evidence traced from several key events, such as nation-state crises, in the trajectories of Kurdish self-determination projects in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran. The findings largely support the argument, and are specifically significant for Great Power intercession. In summary, they suggest that where self-determination claims align with the interests of Great Powers, they can offset the unfavorable institutional arrangements in place, allowing for polity emergence or consolidation. Where these claims and Great Power interests are misaligned, these uphold the status quo.

En 1991, suite à la fin de la deuxième guerre du Golfe, un État de facto a été établi au Kurdistan irakien. Cette mutation d’un acteur contestataire kurde en un État de facto s’est avérée un gain sans précédent pour le « mouvement nationaliste kurde ». Néanmoins, malgré son importance historique, ce gain d’autonomie ne permit pas pour autant de dépasser les divisions présentes au sein du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Ce mémoire tente ainsi de comprendre les raisons du maintien de ces divisions. L’hypothèse proposée est que la raison pour laquelle la création d’un État de facto kurde en Irak n’a pas permis de dépasser les divisions du mouvement nationaliste est que ce dernier a poursuivi un projet de construction étatique similaire aux États de facto. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, la recherche fait le lien entre la littérature sur les États de facto, le comportement du Kurdistan irakien et les divisions du mouvement nationaliste kurde. La recherche démontre dans un premier temps que la poursuite d’un projet de construction étatique a amené le Kurdistan irakien à prioriser sa légitimation interne plutôt que l’unité du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Elle démontre dans un deuxième temps qu’afin de réaliser ce projet, le Kurdistan irakien a employé des stratégies externes qui ont nui au reste du mouvement nationaliste kurde. / In 1991, following the end of the Second Gulf War, a de facto state has been established in Iraqi Kurdistan. This transformation of a protest actor into a de facto state has been an unprecedented gain for the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». However, despite his historic importance, this gain has failed to overtake divisions within the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis attempts to identity the reasons why the divisions have not faded away. The assumption is that the reason why these divisions have not been overtaken is because Iraqi Kurdistan has pursued a state-building project similar to those of de facto states. To test this hypothesis, this research links de facto state’s literature, Iraqi Kurdistan behaviour and the divisions of the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis first demonstrate that this project has led Iraqi Kurdistan to establish other priorities that the « Kurdish nationalist movement » unity. It then shows that to realize this state-building project, Iraqi Kurdistan has used external strategies that have affected the rest of the movement.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-05T12:25:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Willian Moraes Roberto.pdf: 1606271 bytes, checksum: a01bee3acb85b2ddd7430c95d210639d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-05T12:25:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Willian Moraes Roberto.pdf: 1606271 bytes, checksum: a01bee3acb85b2ddd7430c95d210639d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turkish government adopted a more assertive foreign policy, which aimed to place the country as a new regional leader through an emphasis on its political model. Finally, we will demonstrate that, over time, due to the radicalization of the Syrian war, Turkey again changed its foreign policy in 2015, also due to new external shocks, namely the achievement of Kurdish autonomy in Syria and the rise of the Islamic State. Since then, in a scenario of greater external constraints, the Turkish government would start to pay more attention to security issues, prioritizing problems arising from Syria, especially those related to the Kurdish issue / A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além disso, apontaremos que, em 2011, o governo turco passou a ter uma política externa mais assertiva, objetivando colocar o país como uma espécie de liderança regional usando-se de seu modelo político. Por fim, demonstraremos que, com o passar do tempo e a radicalização da guerra na Síria, em 2015 novamente a Turquia modificou sua política externa, também devido a novos choques externos, quais sejam a autonomia curda na Síria e o surgimento do Estado Islâmico. Desde então, em um cenário de maior constrangimento e limitações externas, o governo turco passaria a enfatizar questões securitárias, priorizando problemas advindos da Síria, sobretudo aqueles ligados à questão curda

<p>Den här uppsatsen har till syfte att undersöka den dagliga medieanvändning som finns hos första generationens invandrarungdomar från Kurdistan, samt ta reda på om de som elever i skolan har varit med om att lärare tagit upp nyheter rörande deras hemländer i den allmänna undervisningen. Om vi ser det hela med elevernas ögon tror vi att de kommer att uppleva att undervisningen blir mer relevant för dem om också nyheter från deras hemländer diskuteras i klassrummet. Extra fokus har lagts på om medier från hemländerna ingår i medieanvändningen. Studien bygger på en explorativ fallstudie med semistrukturerade intervjuer tillsammans med tre manliga och tre kvinnliga elever med kurdisk bakgrund i åldrarna 16-18 år på Tingvallagymnasiet i Karlstad.</p><p>Det är relevant att undersöka medievanorna hos unga invandrare i Sverige eftersom det inte finns speciellt många studier gjorda som har fokuserat på just den här frågan. Som blivande medielärare anser vi också att det är viktigt att ha kännedom om invandrares medievanor eftersom vi då bättre kan planera våra lektioner med en mer multikulturell inriktning.</p><p> </p><p>Resultaten visar att ungdomarna har ett intresse av att hålla sig uppdaterade dels om händelser i Sverige, men även i deras hemländer och i övriga världen. De använder sig dagligen av medier så som Internet, MSN och teve. Vid vissa tillfällen använder de sig också av kurdiska eller arabiska medier, speciellt tevekanaler över sattelit. En majoritet av ungdomarna laddar hem och lyssnar på musik från hemländerna, men ingen av dem läser böcker på sitt hemspråk.</p><p>Ingen av respondenterna har uppgett att lärarna i sin undervisning har tagit upp frågor rörande mångkulturalism.</p> / <p><!-- /* Font Definitions */ @font-face {font-family:"Cambria Math"; panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4; mso-font-charset:0; mso-generic-font-family:roman; mso-font-pitch:variable; mso-font-signature:-1610611985 1107304683 0 0 159 0;} /* Style Definitions */ p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal {mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; margin:0cm; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";} p.MsoHeader, li.MsoHeader, div.MsoHeader {mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-link:"Sidhuvud Char"; margin:0cm; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; tab-stops:center 8.0cm right 16.0cm; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";} p.MsoFooter, li.MsoFooter, div.MsoFooter {mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-link:"Sidfot Char"; margin:0cm; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; tab-stops:center 8.0cm right 16.0cm; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";} span.SidhuvudChar {mso-style-name:"Sidhuvud Char"; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:Sidhuvud; mso-ansi-font-size:12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:12.0pt;} span.SidfotChar {mso-style-name:"Sidfot Char"; mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:Sidfot; mso-ansi-font-size:12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:12.0pt;} .MsoChpDefault {mso-style-type:export-only; mso-default-props:yes; font-size:10.0pt; mso-ansi-font-size:10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt;} @page Section1 {size:595.3pt 841.9pt; margin:70.9pt 70.9pt 70.9pt 70.9pt; mso-header-margin:35.45pt; mso-footer-margin:32.05pt; mso-page-numbers:0; mso-paper-source:0;} div.Section1 {page:Section1;} @page Section2 {size:612.0pt 792.0pt; margin:70.85pt 70.85pt 70.85pt 70.85pt; mso-header-margin:36.0pt; mso-footer-margin:36.0pt; mso-paper-source:0;} div.Section2 {page:Section2;} --><!--[if gte mso 10]> <mce:style><! /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Normal tabell"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} > <! [endif] ></p><p>The scope of this thesis is to investigate the daily use of media by young Swedish first generation immigrants from Kurdistan. It also examines if the teenagers - as students in high-school - have had any experiences of teachers having brought up news concerning the student’s home countries in the general education. From the student’s point of view we feel that the education will be more relevant to them if topics from their native countries are discussed in the classroom.  An extra focus has been placed on the question of whether media from the respondent’s own home countries are present in their daily media use or not. The study is based on an explorative case study with semi-structured interviews of three males and three females aged 16-18 with Kurdish background studying at the Tingvalla high-school in Karlstad.</p><p> </p><p>It’s relevant to investigate the media use of young Swedish immigrants because not many studies have focused on this specific issue. As future teachers in media, we also feel it’s important to have knowledge about immigrant’s media use, so that we can plan our lessons in a better way with a more multicultural approach.</p><p> </p><p>The results of the study show that the teenagers are interested in keeping up with the news from Sweden and also from their home countries and the rest of the world. The respondents are daily users of media such as the Internet, MSN and television. At some occasions they also use Kurdish or Arabic media, especially satellite television channels. A majority of the teenagers use the Internet to download music from their home countries, but none of them are reading books in Kurdish.</p><p> </p><p>None of the respondents have stated that the teachers have brought up multicultural issues in the classroom.</p><p><--></p>

Den här uppsatsen har till syfte att undersöka den dagliga medieanvändning som finns hos första generationens invandrarungdomar från Kurdistan, samt ta reda på om de som elever i skolan har varit med om att lärare tagit upp nyheter rörande deras hemländer i den allmänna undervisningen. Om vi ser det hela med elevernas ögon tror vi att de kommer att uppleva att undervisningen blir mer relevant för dem om också nyheter från deras hemländer diskuteras i klassrummet. Extra fokus har lagts på om medier från hemländerna ingår i medieanvändningen. Studien bygger på en explorativ fallstudie med semistrukturerade intervjuer tillsammans med tre manliga och tre kvinnliga elever med kurdisk bakgrund i åldrarna 16-18 år på Tingvallagymnasiet i Karlstad. Det är relevant att undersöka medievanorna hos unga invandrare i Sverige eftersom det inte finns speciellt många studier gjorda som har fokuserat på just den här frågan. Som blivande medielärare anser vi också att det är viktigt att ha kännedom om invandrares medievanor eftersom vi då bättre kan planera våra lektioner med en mer multikulturell inriktning.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Resultaten visar att ungdomarna har ett intresse av att hålla sig uppdaterade dels om händelser i Sverige, men även i deras hemländer och i övriga världen. De använder sig dagligen av medier så som Internet, MSN och teve. Vid vissa tillfällen använder de sig också av kurdiska eller arabiska medier, speciellt tevekanaler över sattelit. En majoritet av ungdomarna laddar hem och lyssnar på musik från hemländerna, men ingen av dem läser böcker på sitt hemspråk. Ingen av respondenterna har uppgett att lärarna i sin undervisning har tagit upp frågor rörande mångkulturalism. / <!-- /* Font Definitions */ @font-face {font-family:"Cambria Math"; panose-1:2 4 5 3 5 4 6 3 2 4; mso-font-charset:0; mso-generic-font-family:roman; mso-font-pitch:variable; mso-font-signature:-1610611985 1107304683 0 0 159 0;} /* Style Definitions */ p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal {mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; margin:0cm; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";} p.MsoHeader, li.MsoHeader, div.MsoHeader {mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-link:"Sidhuvud Char"; margin:0cm; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; tab-stops:center 8.0cm right 16.0cm; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";} p.MsoFooter, li.MsoFooter, div.MsoFooter {mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-link:"Sidfot Char"; margin:0cm; margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; tab-stops:center 8.0cm right 16.0cm; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman";} span.SidhuvudChar {mso-style-name:"Sidhuvud Char"; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:Sidhuvud; mso-ansi-font-size:12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:12.0pt;} span.SidfotChar {mso-style-name:"Sidfot Char"; mso-style-unhide:no; mso-style-locked:yes; mso-style-link:Sidfot; mso-ansi-font-size:12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:12.0pt;} .MsoChpDefault {mso-style-type:export-only; mso-default-props:yes; font-size:10.0pt; mso-ansi-font-size:10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt;} @page Section1 {size:595.3pt 841.9pt; margin:70.9pt 70.9pt 70.9pt 70.9pt; mso-header-margin:35.45pt; mso-footer-margin:32.05pt; mso-page-numbers:0; mso-paper-source:0;} div.Section1 {page:Section1;} @page Section2 {size:612.0pt 792.0pt; margin:70.85pt 70.85pt 70.85pt 70.85pt; mso-header-margin:36.0pt; mso-footer-margin:36.0pt; mso-paper-source:0;} div.Section2 {page:Section2;} --><!--[if gte mso 10]> <mce:style><! /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Normal tabell"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-qformat:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif"; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font:minor-fareast; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font:minor-bidi;} > <! [endif] > The scope of this thesis is to investigate the daily use of media by young Swedish first generation immigrants from Kurdistan. It also examines if the teenagers - as students in high-school - have had any experiences of teachers having brought up news concerning the student’s home countries in the general education. From the student’s point of view we feel that the education will be more relevant to them if topics from their native countries are discussed in the classroom.  An extra focus has been placed on the question of whether media from the respondent’s own home countries are present in their daily media use or not. The study is based on an explorative case study with semi-structured interviews of three males and three females aged 16-18 with Kurdish background studying at the Tingvalla high-school in Karlstad.   It’s relevant to investigate the media use of young Swedish immigrants because not many studies have focused on this specific issue. As future teachers in media, we also feel it’s important to have knowledge about immigrant’s media use, so that we can plan our lessons in a better way with a more multicultural approach.   The results of the study show that the teenagers are interested in keeping up with the news from Sweden and also from their home countries and the rest of the world. The respondents are daily users of media such as the Internet, MSN and television. At some occasions they also use Kurdish or Arabic media, especially satellite television channels. A majority of the teenagers use the Internet to download music from their home countries, but none of them are reading books in Kurdish.   None of the respondents have stated that the teachers have brought up multicultural issues in the classroom. <-->