Appropriate housing with security of tenure is an important factor in the immigrant settlement and integration process. However, many studies of immigrant settlement and the housing careers of immigrants do so within the borders of a nation-state without reference to transnationalism – immigrants’ ties and cross-border connections with the country of origin. This case study of the transnational ties and housing careers of Ghanaian immigrants in Toronto aims to increase our understanding of one recent immigrant group’s settlement and integration process in Canada. Using a mixed-method approach involving both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods, this study explores how transnational housing activities influence the housing careers of Ghanaians in Toronto. The findings include insights into the immigration history and the socio-demographic characteristics of Ghanaians in Toronto; the nature and extent of transnational ties between Ghana and Canada; the nature of housing careers among Ghanaians in Toronto; and the influence of transnationalism on housing careers of Ghanaians in Toronto. Although Ghanaians’ immigration to Canada dates from the late 1950s, Ghanaians started coming to Canada in noticeable numbers after the 1960s. Ghanaian immigration to Canada generally and to Toronto particularly surged in the 1980s and beyond. Deteriorating economic and political conditions in Ghana and relatively favourable immigration policies and a good economic climate in Canada were the driving forces behind Ghanaian migration to Canada. However, the Ghanaian settlement process in Toronto does not culminate in a complete break with the homeland. Rather, Ghanaians in Toronto have engaged in a range of transnational activities with the country of origin, including contacts with family and friends, travelling to or visiting Ghana, following Ghanaian politics, investing in housing or property in Ghana, running businesses in Ghana, attending funerals in Ghana, and making regular remittances to Ghana. With respect to Ghanaians’ housing careers, the study reveals that during their initial settlement period, most Ghanaians lived in public subsidized rental housing or poor-quality private rental housing. They considered their housing conditions as inadequate and unsuitable and were not satisfied with their neighbourhood’s safety and security. At the time of the survey, however, respondents were more likely to own homes and were more likely to feel safe and secure in their neighbourhoods. However, housing affordability remains a major problem for Ghanaians in Toronto. With respect to the influence of transnationalism on housing careers of Ghanaians in Toronto, the study finds that transnational housing activities, especially Ghanaians’ attitudes to and preference for investing in housing in Ghana, affect their housing careers in Toronto. Sending regular remittances to Ghana and investing in housing in the homeland involve mobilizing huge financial resources from Toronto to achieving their housing needs in the country of origin, while many Ghanaians struggle to meet their own needs in Toronto. A logistic regression analysis shows that personal income and strong ties with Ghana are statistically significant predictors of investing in housing in Ghana. At the same time, significant predictors of Ghanaians’ propensity to own a house in Canada include loyalty to Canada and household income. The study contributes conceptually and empirically to three areas of research – transnationalism, housing careers, and immigrant settlement and integration – which hitherto have been studied as separate themes. Conceptually, it breaks away from the traditional way of researching immigrant settlement and housing careers by introducing a new conceptual dimension, transnationalism. Further, this research has added new insights about a recently arrived immigrant group in Toronto. Finally, the study contributes to the social work literature by identifying an emerging field of international social work. It has drawn attention to the fact that in the era of transnationalism, the emergence of a population of migrants whose needs and lives transcend national borders will affect the future of social work research and practice.

In der soziologischen Untersuchung des Zusammenhangs von Freiheit und sozialer Sicherheit kann es nur um individuelle Freiheiten in ihren institutionellen Bedingungszusammenhängen gehen. Es geht also um Autonomiegewinne im Wohlfahrtsstaat in den Selbstzurechnung der Leute. Es geht um Freiheiten im Kontext von Institutionen, welche die Lebensbedingungen dieser Leute strukturieren. Und es geht um in der Praxis angestellte Vergleiche durch die Leute: Vergleiche zwischen ihren Freiheitsansprüchen und den gegebenen Realisierungsmöglichkeiten, Vergleichen zwischen tatsächlich erreichbar erscheinenden Alternativen in der Gesellschaft. Damit setzt sich die soziologische Sichtweise ganz ausdrücklich von all den Versuchen ab, einen \"Begriff\" von Freiheit zu entwickeln, um die gegebenen Verhältnissen dann an diesem Begriff zu messen, sei es, um ihnen eine \"Legitimation\" zu liefern, sei es, um an ihnen \"Kritik\" zu üben. Es geht nicht darum, „dem Menschen“, oder \"der Gesellschaft“ von einer gleichsam außergesellschaftlichen Beobachterposition aus „Freiheit“ sans phrase als eine Eigenschaft zuzuschreiben, weder als Gegebenheit, noch als Kontrafaktizität. Dies ist keineswegs einfach Ausdruck einer arbiträren argumentationsstrategischen Wahl unter mehreren Möglichkeiten. Dem Zuschnitt des Themas liegt vielmehr die These zugrunde, dass es sich unter den Bedingungen modernen Denkens um die einzig mögliche Art der wissenschaftlichen Befassung mit \"Freiheit\" handelt. Indem ich die wissenssoziologischen Grundlagen dieser These skizziere, werde ich den Begriff der Freiheit, den seine traditionale philosophische Belastung für sozialwissenschaftliche Analysen weitgehend unbrauchbar gemacht hat, in die Frage nach institutionellen Bedingungen für individuelle Handlungsspielräume überführen. Dann werde ich soziale Sicherheit als Bedingung der Realisierbarkeit bürgerlicher Freiheiten einführen. Vor diesem Hintergrund lässt sich dann fragen, warum in den Diskursen, welche die Entwicklung moderner Wohlfahrtsstaaten begleitet haben, der Zusammenhang von Freiheiten und sozialer Sicherheit nur eine marginale Rolle spielt. Dann werde ich kurz auf die theoretischen Voraussetzungen für die Analyse der Wechselwirkungen von Freiheit und sozialer Sicherheit eingehen und auf dieser Grundlage eine Neuinterpretation des Verhältnisses von Arbeitsmarkt und Sozialpolitik anbieten. Schließlich werde ich zeigen, dass die konservative Sozialstaatskritik diese Interpretation ungewollt bestätigt und empirische Hinweise dafür sammeln, dass die Leute Autonomiegewinne im Wohlfahrtsstaat tatsächlich nützen.

Unter all den denkbaren Effekten von Sozialpolitik auf Politik untersuche ich hier die Möglichkeit, dass Sozialpolitik den Handlungsspielraum von Politik absichert; dass Sozialpolitik Erfolgsvoraussetzung von Politik ist. Es geht also um die Frage, in welcher Weise staatliche Sozialpolitik eine Voraussetzung für Politik ist, um die Frage der sozialpolitischen Selbstermöglichung von Politik. Solch ein Zugang muß den gewohnten Blick auf Staat und Sozialpolitik irritieren. Denn üblicherweise werden sozialpolitische Verpflichtungen des Staates als Beeinträchtigung, als Überforderung staatlicher Handlungsfähigkeit gesehen. Zuerst werde ich kurz auf die Entwicklung des sozialwissenschaftlichen Verständnisses der gesellschaftlichen Bedingtheit staatlicher Politik eingehen. Dann werde ich ein grundsätzliches Dilemma staatlicher Steuerung darstellen. Anschließend werde ich dieses anhand der aktuellen Schwierigkeiten mehrerer politischer Großprojekte veranschaulichen. Dann werde ich nach einem Theoriemuster zur Interpretation dieser Schwierigkeiten suchen, mit dem sich zeigen läßt, wie Sozialpolitik einpassbar ist. Und schließlich werde ich Konsequenzen diskutieren, die sich aus der Integration von Sozialpolitik in eine soziologische Theorie der Gesellschaft ergeben.

Ziel des Beitrags ist es, den Blick auf einen Trend sozialstaatlichen Umbaus lenken: die Vertariflichung sozialer Sicherung. Darunter versteht der Verfasser die zunehmende Überantwortung der Wohlfahrtsproduktion an die kollektiven Akteure des Systems der industriellen Beziehungen, also an eine Aushandlungs- und Gestaltungsebene, die sich durch ihre Eigengesetzlichkeiten von Sozialstaatlichkeit ebenso deutlich unterscheidet wie vom Handeln individueller Akteure auf Wohlfahrtsmärkten. Die Beteiligung der Tarifpartner an der Wohlfahrtsproduktion ist für sich genommen nichts Neues. Neu ist, dass die von Tarif- und Betriebsakteuren ausgehandelten Elemente sozialer Sicherung vermehrt substitutiv statt komplementär zu sozialstaatlichen Leistungen fungieren sollen. Einleitend beleuchtet der Autor das Verhältnis von Tarifsystem und staatlicher Sozialpolitik; dabei zeichne ich historische Prozesse der funktionalen Differenzierung beider Systeme ebenso nach wie deren in jüngerer Zeit zu beobachtende partielle Entdifferenzierung (1). Diese Richtungsumkehr wird ausführlicher an zwei sozialpolitisch relevanten Bereichen sichtbar gemacht: an der Gestaltung des Rentenübergangs und an der betrieblichen Altersvorsorge (2). Dann werden die Folgen der Entdifferenzierungsprozesse für die Akteure im System der Industriellen Beziehungen diskutiert (3) und Überlegungen zu den daraus resultierenden wahrscheinlichen Konsequenzen für den Staat angestellt (4). Der Beitrag schließt mit einem Ausblick und mit dem Versuch, die Vertariflichung sozialer Sicherung mit den anderen, oben genannten Entwicklungen in Beziehung zu setzen (5). (ICB2)

The UK government has pledged to end child poverty by 2020. It is not known how far the measure of child poverty used by the government corresponds to differences in children’s experiences. Qualitative research on poverty has not generally been informed by the insights of dynamic research, which investigates duration, timing and transitions, among other temporal topics. Qualitative and quantitative methods have not generally been combined in social policy research on poverty, which limits the explanatory power of both. The thesis presents an analysis of the correspondence or lack of correspondence between qualitative and quantitative research on child poverty as a temporal experience. Semi-structured life history interviews were conducted with 15-21 year olds in Britain with experience of child poverty in the period 1997-2001. These were analysed alongside secondary analysis of the British Household Panel Survey (1991-2005). The qualitative respondents lived in households which took part in the survey, so there is a direct link between the two methods. The assumptions, methods and findings of dynamic poverty research are in general found to be a simplified and decontexualised version, rather than a misrepresentation of, the qualitative findings. Time formed an important part of the experience of poverty for children. It was not possible to fully match together exits from poverty with perceived improvements in circumstances, and entries into poverty with perceived deteriorations in circumstances, though this was partly due to limited recall and lack of contemporaneous knowledge. Nor were these changes clearly placed in time by respondents, in terms of duration and timing. Although most respondents did not explicitly engage with the idea of poverty as a personal experience, poverty-like accounts of disadvantage and difference were found in the accounts of all respondents. Thus, there is evidence for and against the way child poverty is currently measured.

Despite recent drops in rates, juvenile incarceration remains a serious issue in the United States (Hockenberry, 2013; Mendel, 2011). One shared part of the incarceration experience across different systems and facility types is the obligation for juvenile offenders to receive correctional education. Ample research demonstrates that increased academic achievement, attending community school, and being employed are connected to better community outcomes and desistance, yet little is known about how school experiences in the facility influences these outcomes. Applying life-course theory of the development of crime (Sampson & Laub, 1997, 2005), the present study investigates whether correctional education serves as a turning point to influence a number of community adjustment outcomes in serious juvenile offenders. Specifically, it tested how subjective (teacher bonding and school orientation) and objective (grades, time spent in the facility school) parts of the school experience during the facility stay were related to transitioning to community schools (attendance), and/or work (gainful activity and employment), self-reported delinquency, and staying in the community at 6 and 12 months after release for a sample of 519 male and 50 female serious juvenile offenders. Results showed that across juvenile and adult facilities, improved attachment to the facility school while incarcerated predicted increased involvement in gainful activity and decreases in self-reported delinquency up to 12 months after release. This positive effect was greatest for younger offenders who returned to school, even when accounting for the number of previous facility stays and prior community school experiences. Conversely, older offenders who returned to gainful employment showed less positive adjustment. In contrast to other studies, grades received while incarcerated were not a significant predictor of community adjustment. Overall, the results repeatedly show behavioral differences based on individual history and experiences during incarceration across different types of facilities, strongly supporting a research agenda that treats incarceration as more than a binary variable. The present results add to the corpus of evidence that the perspective of the incarcerated juveniles matter and suggest that the school experience while incarcerated can serve as an important turning point, indicating resources should be directed towards enhancing juveniles’ school orientation and relationships with teachers.

Does ethnic fragmentation negatively affect social expenditure? In this thesis, I examine why this research question, only partially tackled by the political economy literature, is also central for the social policy field. Using a sample of 156 countries, and controlling for variables that social policy theory postulate as essential to explain welfare provision, I offer evidence that higher levels of ethnic fragmentation lead to lower levels of social expenditure. On that basis, I present a theoretical framework that explores how this relationship can be explained. Ethnic fragmentation is presented as a variable that complicates the development of social solidarity and the notions of shared identity, and shifts social mobilisation from issues of economic redistribution towards ethno-cultural recognition. I also conduct a second series of statistical analysis that show that there is evidence to support the previous propositions. Additionally, using a different confirmatory test, I explore the correspondence between the levels of de-commodification that 18 welfare states provide, and the principles of blood descent (jus sanguinis) or civic ties (jus solis) that their respective national laws favour. The findings show that the welfare regimes with the most de-commodifying provision tend to favour ethno-cultural principles. Finally, I emphasize that the probable effects of ethnic fragmentation in an increasingly multicultural world, with its tendencies to put social integration and differentiation issues back on the agenda, are not a prediction of erosion of the welfare state, but an important element to take into account in the creation and robustness of shared identities and notions of common belonging when designing social policy.

The graduation thesis consists of two parts. The first part deals with the general operation of the labour market and the key principles and factors occurring in this area, such as the subsistence wage or the activities of trade unions. Special attention deserves the issue of unemployment and public employment policy. In the second part, the general information of the previous section is inserted into the framework of a particular economic situation and the evolution of unemployment in the European Union during the last decade. An important role is played by taking various forms of national employment policy and social policy which are dealt with separately. The same attention is paid to the main EU institutions and strategies that seek to eliminate negative phenomena occurring on the European market.

The thesis examines the political dynamics behind the contemporary trend towards pension privatization in Europe. Its aim is to develop a theoretical model that can explain not only why governments have increasingly replaced their public pay-as-you-go systems with private fully-funded schemes, but also why there is considerable diversity both in the extent and in the content of pension privatization. Private pension funds can indeed be governed by a variety of institutional arrangements and can have very different types of links with the financial system. They do not necessarily contribute to a financialization of the economy. The thesis takes issue with the idea that pension privatization would be primarily the result of a new pensions orthodoxy promoted by international organizations such as the World Bank or of an electoral strategy that consists in attracting the votes of the middle class. I argue that the driving force behind the more or less dramatic rise of funded pensions in Europe is a series of lobbying campaigns launched by the financial industry, and their varying influence. Financial firms have a vested interest in the development of a market in private pensions, which should profit them as an industry. However, pension reform is an issue that matters to voters and can therefore prove dangerous for party politicians. Moreover, it involves complex changes that directly affect key material interests of employers and workers. In this context, the success of financial firms’ campaign for pension privatization depends on their capacity to forge alliances with a variety of actors. This in turn contributes to limit the influence financiers can exert. The argument is tested using a comparative historical analysis of pension debates in the United Kingdom, France and Poland since the beginning of the 1980s.

The thesis analyzes the structure of needs, barriers and effective demand for social services in the town Strmilov. Using multiple methods (interviews, public inquiry, observation, experiment) this thesis presents the initial conditions for the planning of social services in the town, including proposals for the development of social services.