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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the two Swedish conservative parties Sweden Democrats and the Moderate Party by study how the two parties basic ideological positions relate to liberal and traditional conservative values. The four dimensions view of human nature (pessimistic - optimistic), theory of society (collectivist - individualistic), view on moral values (collectivist - individualistic) and view on economic ideals (collectivist - individualistic) are used as the analytical instrument to study the two parties ideological positions on each dimension, where the pessimistic/collectivist positions represents traditional conservative values and the optimistic/individualistic positions represents liberal values. My result show that the Moderate Party express a predominantly optimistic view of human nature, a individualistic theory of society, a individualistic view on moral values and a individualistic basic position in their view on economic ideals. The Sweden Democrats express a pessimistic view of human nature, a collectivist theory of society, a collectivist view on moral vaues and a collectivist basic position in their view on economic ideals. My result thus shows that fundamental ideological differences can be discerned between the Sweden Democrats and the Moderate Party.

<p>This study focuses upon the adaptation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and Moderate Party towards the European Union. Adaptation is explored by examining attitudes the political parties have on different issues related to the EU. In other words it is assumed that adaptation is dependent on attitudes, amongst other things, and the attitudes are examined by studying officially expressed opinions by the parties in party programmes and in parliamentary protocols. By expanding the study to three years possible alterations in the attitudes can be detected and something can be said on the level of adaptation the parties show towards the EU in each research question. The questions are (1)<em> Should Sweden take an active part in developing the European integration process?, </em>(2)<em> Is it believed that participation in international collaboration provides output benefits that the nation state no longer can provide?, </em>(3)<em> Is pooling of sovereignty problematic?, </em>(4) <em>Is military non-alignment important for Sweden? </em>and (5)<em> Is it important that Sweden participates in a common European security policy? </em>The three years of research are 1995, 2006 and the first half of 2010. Two of the questions are developed by utilising the fusion perspective, that is a part of the fusion approach, which is also the theoretical framework of this study.</p><p>The findings of this study show that both the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party experience attitudinal alterations in almost all the questions investigated. This causes some shifts in their level of adaption towards the European Union. Furthermore the results show that the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are adapted towards the Union in most of the years researched.</p>

Swedish migration and integration policy have been well debated in recent years. There are disagreements between the parliamentary parties regarding how the policy problems should be solved in the long run. This study will examine how the Moderate party describes their integration ideas in policy documents. The purpose is to investigate whether and how the Moderates’ integration policy has changed during the period 2001-2020. Carl Dahlström has a theory that categorizes immigration policy types, which have been used to clarify the political ideas within the Moderate party. This study shows that the Moderate party has a policy that is responsible for the individual’s freedom and right. Integration policy must create opportunities for people to become a part of the Swedish society. During the last period 2018-2020, however, the party began to make more demands on immigrants, such as language requirements. The focus has shifted from presenting most general measures to more selective ones. With more selective measures, the Moderate party now wants to create a better integration that especially supports immigrants.

Participating in peace support operations has been and remains a significant part of the Swedish defense and security politics. Since the end of the Cold War, the Swedish national defence has been more and more dismantled, in favor of international peace support operations which have become an increasingly important task for the Swedish defence. Why then, is Sweden so engaged in conflicts so far from home? Using two classic theories of international politics, realism and liberalism, this study aims to shed light on arguments from the Swedish parliament on why it is important for Sweden to participate in international peace support operations. After analyzing arguments of the Social Democrat Party, the Moderate Party, the Green Party and the Liberal Party concerning three different peace support operations which Sweden has participated in, the result shows that although both realism and liberalism are influencing the parties’ argumentation, liberalism is the theory which is used more often. Thus, the answer to why Sweden participates in peace support operations is to be found in arguments that clearly express views of liberalism, rather than views of realism.

The aim of this study was to analyze how realism and liberalism are represented in requests concerning the question about a Swedish membership in Nato written by members of the Swedish Moderate Party in 2010, 2013, 2015 and 2017 respectively. The time period was chose due to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, which created a higher threat level in areas that are in close proximity of Sweden and which makes the debate about a Swedish membership in Nato very topical. To be able to answer the aim of this study, ideal type analysis was used as the method. Analyzing the occurrence of realism and liberalism within three political issues: security, collaboration and international organizations. The results show that the realistic and the liberal ideal type could be identified in requests concerning collaboration. However, within the political issues of security and international organizations only the liberal ideal type could be identified. Hence, there was not possible to identify any ideological change between realism and liberalism. In seven occasions none of the ideal types could be identified. Considering that the study included some eventful years, the result of no ideological changes are to be seen as fairly unexpected.

This bachelor's thesis examines the ideological position of the Swedish Moderate party. The evaluation of the moderate ideology is done between the years 2009-2022. This is done to understand the ideological position of today but also to present a modern contribution to a field that tends to focus on more historical periods. Furthermore, the ideological evaluation focuses on family policy, as ideological changes should be visible in areas that are not the most relevant for political parties. To determine ideological position this paper uses ideal types of conservatism and liberalism and examines the material concerning these. The conclusion is that the Swedish moderate party has taken some twists and turns in relation to the ideologies presented but that the moderate party of today is liberal.

National debates on European Union politics have long been viewed as a consensus-oriented activity. This applies especially to big mainstream parties, both to the center-left and the center-right. The perceived lack of ideological conflict over European issues is connected to the problem of the democratic deficit, and has led scholars to call for deeper politicization. Consequently, the aim of this study is to describe the presence of classical ideologies and ideological conflict in Swedish EU debate. This is done by analyzing statements from two major parties, the Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokraterna) and the Moderate Party (Moderaterna), in chamber debates in the Swedish parliament during the parliamentary year 2018/19. A qualitative ideational analysis is performed by systematically categorizing the ideological content based on ideal types. The results show that although ideological arguments and left-right conflict did occur, they were not common in the debates as a whole. Ideological conflict was most pronounced in debates on the EU’s social dimension and migration policy, while the economic issue area was characterized by liberal consensus. It is also argued that the Social Democratic Party faces greater challenges in transferring their ideology to the EU level. Moreover, I discuss how the results relate to previous research and the issue of the democratic deficit.

The purpose of this study has been to investigate if and how the Swedish Moderate party´s views and ideas regarding nuclear energy, within the energy production has changed in the timeframe of 2010 - 2021. This has been investigated through an idea analysis.The study's research question was asked as follows: Have the Swedish Moderate party´s views and ideas regarding nuclear energy within energy production changed within the timeframe 2010 - 2021? And if that is the case, how have the views and ideas changed?The material that this study used to maintain its purpose contained motions from the Swedish Moderate party within the time frame 2010 - 2021. The motions involved nuclear energy.The conclusion of this study is that the Swedish Moderate party has changed its views and ideas concerning energy politics focusing on nuclear energy. The changes are marginal. However, the Energiöverenskommelsen is an anomaly regarding this case. Energiöverenskommelsen does not match the views and ideas presented by the Swedish Moderate party within the study´s timeframe.

<p>The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are two parties with different ideological background. The parties have different opinions in issues of public and private matters. The Social Democratic Party profiles it self, through the local and national party programs, as a party for solidarity and security. The Moderate Party, on the other hand, profiles it self through their programmes as a party with a possibility for the individual to shape his or her own life. Through a survey on members in the local government, and two key persons at national level, the view of municipal self-government has appeared. The party programmes constitute a platform for the parties´ views on municipal self-government. These views have been put together with the result of the survey. Urban Strandberg has designed an analysis frame related to municipal self-government. His concept, municipalities’ basic character, board of directors and administration, is the theoretical foundation of the thesis. The content of the Party programmes and the results of the survey are thendiscussed within the frame of Strandbergs concept and Demokratiutredningens rapport SOU 2000:1. From the collective perspective of the theory, the content of party programmes and the result of the survey an image of the parties’ views on municipal self-government starts to grow. Within each party respectively, they keep a common strategy in important issues, which the local governments and the parties’ basic characters have raised. There are dividing lines due to the administration of the municipalities. Civic participation unites the parties in ideological issues. The opinions, in the issue of municipal self-government, differs between the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. The reason for that is because of their fundamental different views in the fields of social order and ideology, as it is described in the party programmes. In reality when the parties shape the politics they cannot profile themselves as much as in the"vision"in their party programmes. The parties have to find a middle course, which is reflected in the answers from some of the respondents.</p>