This essay examines wether the prevailing opinion of Machiavelli as a prominent figure in political realism is correct or if the author is misinterpreted and can be said to represent something more. Thus, the puropse of this essay is to revise the description of Machiavelli given in widely used Swedish textbooks. This is done on the basis of a thesis saying that Machiavelli, judged not by his renowned book ‘The Prince’ (Fursten), but in the light of his extensive work ‘Discourses’ (Republiken), does not advocate a sovereign power but rather promote a pluralistic society. The method used in this essay is a qualitative textanalysis, which is done on the two books in purpose to examine three central themes in Machiavelli’s writing; the morality, the view on humanity and the state and citizen. Though there is an obvious similarity between Machiavelli’s ‘Discourses’ and the writing of Aristoteles no effort is done in this essay to describe what they have in common, but only to present a contrasting picture vis á vis the established and prevailing role of Machiavelli in Sweden. Throughout the essay it becomes clear that there is more to the subject than the authors of the textbooks let us know. By reading ‘Discourses’ I therefore stress the importance of civic virtue and rule of law in Machiavelli’s thinking.

O conceito de \"Príncipe\" surgiu com Nicolau Maquiavel, no início do século XVI, para descrever o governante das monarquias e repúblicas. Em Antonio Gramsci, na metade do século XX, o lugar do Príncipe passou a ser ocupado pelo partido político, aparecendo assim o conceito de \"Moderno Príncipe\". Mais tarde, no fim do século XX, o pesquisador brasileiro Octavio Ianni revisita as duas obras e propõe o \"Príncipe Eletrônico\". Ele constatou que os meios de comunicação de massa passaram a exercer as funções sociais de Príncipe. Em Octávio Ianni, o rádio e, principalmente, a televisão são os lugares, por excelência, de poder, hegemonia e liderança, não sozinhos, mas com o suporte e apoio dos grandes grupos econômicos e políticos. O objetivo desta tese é levar adiante a teoria criada por Ianni e explorar a hipótese da existência de um novo Príncipe no século XXI, que chamamos de Príncipe Digital. Sem prejuízo do que foi descrito por Ianni, essa nova figura não é necessariamente um intelectual, não nasce das mídias tradicionais de massa (rádio e TV) e não se alinha direta e necessariamente com os grupos, econômicos e políticos, hegemônicos, mas é tão ou mais influente e eficaz. O conceito de Príncipe Digital, como variante da categoria criada por Ianni, ilumina a forma como, na era das redes digitais, estão estruturadas as categorias: poder, hegemonia e liderança, pilares de todos os modelos teóricos de príncipes existentes até então. Essa compreensão pode nos levar a entender melhor os fenômenos deste tempo, como as grandes manifestações sociais e os tipos de relações existente nas redes sociais. Para chegar a esse modelo teórico, este trabalho usou como aporte metodológico a Grounded Theory (GT). A GT possibilita uma perspectiva mais real sobre o fenômeno, pois a própria população envolvida aponta os dados, por meio de pesquisas empíricas de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa. Para essa parte empírica, esta pesquisa contou com análise de 74 manifestações sociais, 601 entrevistados e observações acerca de 354 Líderes de Opinião. Analisamos, teórica e empiricamente, manifestações populares que ocorreram no Brasil entre os anos de 2013 e 2015. Os questionários foram divididos em duas fases de aplicações, a primeira, na qual ficaram disponíveis entre março e junho de 2015 e, a segunda, no mês de agosto de 2015. Os principais autores que dão sustentação à tese são: Maquiavel, Gramsci e Ianni, pelas razões já expostas. Lazarsfeld e Toro, com reflexões sobre a recepção de ideias e a mobilização social; Glaser, Tarozzi e Charmaz, com o suporte metodológico da GT. Hardt, Negri e Castells, com argumentos teóricos sobre multidão, redes sociais, internet e processos de mobilização online. / The concept of \"Prince\" came up with Niccolo Machiavelli, in the early sixteenth century to describe the ruler of monarchies and republics. In Antonio Gramsci, the midtwentieth century, the place of the Prince was occupied by political party, thus appearing the concept of \"Modern Prince\". Later, in the late twentieth century, the Brazilian researcher Octavio Ianni revisits the two works and proposes the \"Electronic Prince.\" He found that the mass media took over the social functions of Prince. In Octavio Ianni, radio and especially television are the places par excellence, power, hegemony and leadership, not alone, but with the support and backing of major economic and political groups. The aim of this thesis is to carry forward the theory created by Ianni and explore the hypothesis of a new Prince in the twenty-first century, we call \"Digital Prince.\" Without prejudice to what has been described by Ianni, this new figure is not necessarily an intellectual, not born through the mass traditional media (radio and TV) and does not line up directly and necessarily to the groups, economic and political hegemony, but it is so or more influential and effective. Digital Prince of concept, as a variant of the category created by Ianni, illuminates the way that, in the era of digital networks, the categories are structured: power, hegemony and leadership, pillars of all existing theoretical models of Princes before. This understanding can lead us to better understand the phenomena of this time, as the major social manifestations and types of existing relationships on Social Networks. To get to that theoretical model, this work used as a methodological contribution to Grounded Theory (GT). The GT enables a more realistic perspective on the phenomenon, for the very people involved point data through empirical research of quantitative and qualitative nature. For this empirical part of this research involved analysis of 74 social demonstrations, 601 respondents and observations about 354 leaders of opinion. We analyze, theoretically and empirically, popular demonstrations that took place in Brazil between 2013 and 2015. The questionnaires were divided into two phases of applications, the first, which became available between March and June 2015 and the second, in august of 2015. The main authors that support the thesis are: Machiavelli, Gramsci and Ianni, the reasons given above. Lazarsfeld and Toro, with reflections on the reception of ideas and social mobilization. Glaser, Tarozzi and Charmaz, with the methodological support of the GT. Hardt, Negri and Castells with theoretical arguments about the crowd, social networking, internet and online mobilization processes.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est une analyse et une évaluation de la retraduction en suédois de « Le Petit Prince » d’Antoine de Saint-Exupéry (T2), parue chez Modernista, en 2015, en relation avec le texte source en français et en relation avec la traduction classique, parue chez Rabén&Sjögren, en 1952 (T1 ; la version révisée de 2015, actuelle au moment de la retraduction). L’analyse se base sur quelques concepts de Lita Lundquist, notamment la distinction entre stratégie de traduction « imitative » et « fonctionnelle », et la cohérence entre la stratégie « globale » et les stratégies « locales ». De plus, notre analyse nous mène à la distinction entre « traduction » et « révision », comme présentée par Philippe Bouquet (2012), et à la distinction entre une définition linguistique de traduction – approche principale de ce travail – et une définition socio-culturelle selon Toury (1995). Les résultats principaux sont 1) la découverte d’un manque de stratégie globale cohérente dans la T2 – à la différence de la T1– et 2) une dépendance forte de la T1 dans la T2. Aussi, dans la retraduction, nous avons remarqué une stratégie locale remarquable de suppression totale du pronom personnel suédois de man. Ces résultats sont brièvement discutés sous la lumière des aspects socio-culturels et dans une section sur l’applicabilité de l’hypothèse de la retraduction (Tegelberg 2014). / The aim of this paper is an analysis and an evaluation of the re-translation into Swedish of "Le Petit Prince" by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry (T2), published by Modernista in 2015, and its relation to the original French text as well as to the classical Swedish translation published by Rabén&Sjögren in 1952 (T1; the 2015 version, contemporary with the re-translation). The analysis is based on some concepts of Lita Lundquist (2007): the distinction between "imitative" and "functional" translation strategies, and the coherence between a "global strategy" and "local strategies". Furthermore, this analysis leads us to a distinction between "translation" and "revision" as presented by Philippe Bouquet (2012), and to a distinction between a linguistic definition of translation – the main approach of this work – and the scoiolinguistic definition by Toury (1995). The main results are 1) the discovery of a lack of a coherent global strategy in T2 – as opposed to T1 - and 2) the strong reliance of T2 on T1. Also, we found a remarkable local strategy in T2, a total removal of the Swedish personal pronoun man. These results are briefly discussed in the light of socio-cultural aspects and in a section on the applicability of the retranslation hypothesis (Tegelberg 2014).

Cette étude, dans sa description du contexte historique et culturel de Naples autour des années 30 du XIX siècle, s’est orientée, en premier lieu, vers la recherche de la bibliographie plus ancienne (P. Colletta etc) ainsi que sur le dépouillement systématique des vingts volumes du journal “Monitore Napoletano”. Parallèlement elle commence l’étude des anciens guides de la ville, auprès de la Bibllioteca Nazionale de Naples, afin de retrouver les descriptions des collections privées napolitaines, des collectionneurs et du gout artistique de l’époque, la circulation des tableaux parmi les plus prestigieuses collections du royaume, ainsi que les premières descriptions des appartements du prince Leopoldo au Palais Royal de Naples. / The present study in describing the historical and cultural context around Naples the 30 years of the nineteenth century, it is oriented in the first instance, to seek oldest bibliography (P. Colletta, B. Croce, A. Acton, etc.) and to carry out the systematic examination of the twenty volumes of the newspaper "Neapolitan Monitor". In parallel, it was started the study of the ancient city guides, at the National Library of Naples in order to trace the descriptions of the collections Private Neapolitan, collectors and the artistic taste of the time, circulation the paintings in the most prestigious collections of the kingdom, and the first descriptions Prince Leopold of the apartments at the Royal Palace of Naples. / Il presente studio nel descrivere il contesto storico e culturale di Napoli attorno agli anni 30 del XIX secolo, si è orientato, in prima istanza, nel ricercare la bibliografia più antica (P. Colletta, B. Croce, A. Acton, etc.) e ad effettuare lo spoglio sistematico dei venti volumi del giornale «Monitore Napoletano». Parallelamente, ha preso l’avvio lo studio delle guide antiche della città, presso la Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli al fine di rintracciare le descrizioni delle collezioni private napoletane, dei collezionisti e il gusto artistico del tempo, la circolazione dei dipinti nelle più prestigiose collezioni del regno, nonché le prime descrizioni degli appartamenti del principe Leopoldo a Palazzo Reale di Napoli.

All previous taxonomic studies on the Ectemnorhinus group of weevils have been based primarily on morphological data. While these studies are invaluable, some questions can only be addressed adequately through molecular studies. This is especially true when studying the genetic relationships and phylogeograpic patterns of taxa endemic to the South Indian Ocean Province (SIP) biotas that have long been controversial. The Ectemnorhinus group of genera is a monophyletic unit of weevils endemic to the region. The present study focused mainly on the Ectemnorhinus group of weevils found on the Prince Edward Islands archipelago (PEIA). The mitochondrial cytochrome oxidase I gene was targeted when investigating relationships among members of this weevil group. On the PEIA, it is important to note that Marion Island (MI) and Prince Edward Island (PEI) differ in terms of alien invasive species, such as the introduced house mouse Mus musculus and in conservation management strategies. Since emergence, a series of volcanic and glaciation events have occurred on Marion Island, whilst Prince Edward Island has remained largely unaffected by glaciation. Phylogenetic analyses revealed the presence of two genetically and morphometrically distinct species of Ectemnorhinus weevils on PEI, whilst evidence for a single species, comprising diverse genetically discrete populations was found on MI. Based on these results, the species unique to PEI has been designated E. kuscheli n. sp., whilst the present study confirmed the synonymy between E. similis and E. marioni, the two species originally described from MI. Ectemnorhinus kucheli appears to be restricted to PEI, whereas E. similis occurs on both MI and PEI. When investigating the population dynamics of the Ectemnorhinus weevils on the PEIA, the data indicated that PEI was the first of the two islands of the PEIA to be colonized by Ectemnorhinus weevils, at an estimated time of coalescence of approximately 0.3116 million years ago (MYA). The PEI population then acted as the source population for the colonization of MI by Ectemnorhinus weevils some time before the last glaciation, approximately 10 000 to 35 000 years ago. The separation by distance of the PEI Ectemnorhinus weevils from those on MI then gave rise to two species by allopatric speciation on MI. During the last glaciations, MI was extensively glaciated with only the southwestern corner of the island being free of ice. This extensive glaciation of MI would have resulted in the eradication of all E. similis on MI except for those occurring on the ice-free southwestern corner of the island. At the end of the last glacial maximum, when the ice started to melt, the coastal areas of MI emerged first from beneath the ice and were available for re-colonization by weevils. The movement of weevils that were isolated in the south-western corner of MI, along the coastal areas of the island, was assisted by strong, frequent south-western winds. Subsequent, post-glacial volcanism during the Holocene was then responsible for the fragmentation of the new migrants, resulting in small population pockets surrounded by fresh, uninhabitable lava and subsequent divergence of each populations. When the Holocene black lava became re-colonizeable, the weevils from the different isolated populations migrated to the remainder of the island. Currently, members of the different genetically-identified populations occur in sympatry and in some cases even on the same plant, but no noticeable geneflow was detected between them. It is thus suggested that the time of isolation, before the post-glacial black lava during Holocene became hospitable, was sufficiently long and the populations sufficiently small that a number of genetically-discrete populations arose. Consequently, the present study recognises two genetically discrete populations of E. kucheli on PEI and seven discrete E. similis populations on MI that are morphologically indistinct. When examining the relationships among 13 species from five different islands within the South Indian Ocean Province (SIP) that are representative of 22 populations within the genera Palirhoeus, Bothrometopus and Ectemnorhinus, there was little support for separating the genus Palirhoeus from Bothrometopus, and no support for the morphologically-delineated species groups currently recognized within Bothrometopus. The present study shows that colonization of the Prince Edward Islands is likely to have occurred repeatedly from other islands within the SIP and that Bothrometopus parvulus on the PEIA comprises two species that are not sister taxa. The second novel con-generic species was therefore designated Bothrometopus huntleyi n. sp. and examination of the genetically identified specimens resulted in the indentification of distinguishing morphological characteristics. The analyses indicated that B. huntleyi arose approximately 0.5 million years ago from a high-altitude population that is still present on MI. The first major intra- and inter-island dispersal event occurred ~0.338 MYA, coinciding with the glaciation-free second volcanic stage on MI. Apart from this early inter-island colonisation, only one other between-island dispersal event, corresponding with the glaciation-free seventh volcanic stage, was detected. Genetically discrete weevil complexes on each of the islands of the PEIA together with the low levels of inter-island gene flow reaffirm the need to control alien invasive mice, which are restricted to MI, and which prey on these weevil species. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Zoology and Entomology / unrestricted

No description available.

Canadians have developed a vocabulary of regionalism, a cultural shorthand that divides Canada into easily-described spaces: the Arctic, the Prairies, the Maritimes, and Central Canada, for example. But these artificial divisions obscure the history of edge places whose identity is drawn from more than one region. The region north of Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, is a place on the edge of the boreal forest whose self-representations, local history, and memorials draw heavily on a non-prairie identity. There, the past is associated with the forest in contrast to most Canadians' understanding of Saskatchewan as flat, treeless prairie. This dissertation presents the history of the north Prince Albert region within a framework that challenges common Saskatchewan and Canadian stereotypes. Through deep-time place history, layers of historical occupation in the study region can be compared and contrasted to show both change and continuity. Historical interpretations have consistently separated the history of Saskatchewans boreal north and prairie south, as if the two have no history of interchange and connection. Using edge theory, this dissertation argues that historical human occupation in the western interior found success in the combination of prairie and boreal lifeways.<p> First Nations groups from both boreal forest and open plain used the forest edge as a refuge, and to enhance resilience through access to resources from the other ecosystem. Newcomer use of the prairie landscape rebranded the boreal north as a place of natural resources to serve the burgeoning prairie market. The prairies could not be settled if there was not also a nearby and extensive source for what the prairies lacked: timber and fuel. Extensive timber harvesting led to deforestation and the rise of agriculture built on the rhetoric of mixed farming, not King Wheat. The mixed farming movement tied to landscape underscored the massive internal migrations from the open prairies to the parkland and forest edge.<p> Soldier settlement, long viewed as a failure, experienced success in the north Prince Albert region and gave a model for future extensive government-supported land settlement schemes. South-to-north migration during the 1920s was based on a combination of push and pull factors: drought in the Palliser Triangle; and a strengthening northern economy built on cordwood, commercial fishing, freighting, prospecting and fur harvesting, as well as mixed farming. The economy at the forest edge supported occupational pluralism, drawing subsistence from both farm and forest, reflecting the First Nations model. As tourism grew to prominence, the Saskatchewan dual identity of prairie/forest led to the re-creation of the north Prince Albert region as a new vacationland, the Playground of the Prairies. The northern forest edge drew thousands of migrants during the Great Depression. Historical analysis has consistently interpreted this movement as frantic, a reactionary idea without precedent. Through a deep-time analysis, the Depression migrations are viewed through a new lens. The forest edge was a historic place of both economic and cultural refuge and resilience predicated on the Saskatchewan contrast of north and south.

Canadians have developed a vocabulary of regionalism, a cultural shorthand that divides Canada into easily-described spaces: the Arctic, the Prairies, the Maritimes, and Central Canada, for example. But these artificial divisions obscure the history of edge places whose identity is drawn from more than one region. The region north of Prince Albert, Saskatchewan, is a place on the edge of the boreal forest whose self-representations, local history, and memorials draw heavily on a non-prairie identity. There, the past is associated with the forest in contrast to most Canadians' understanding of Saskatchewan as flat, treeless prairie. This dissertation presents the history of the north Prince Albert region within a framework that challenges common Saskatchewan and Canadian stereotypes. Through deep-time place history, layers of historical occupation in the study region can be compared and contrasted to show both change and continuity. Historical interpretations have consistently separated the history of Saskatchewans boreal north and prairie south, as if the two have no history of interchange and connection. Using edge theory, this dissertation argues that historical human occupation in the western interior found success in the combination of prairie and boreal lifeways.<p> First Nations groups from both boreal forest and open plain used the forest edge as a refuge, and to enhance resilience through access to resources from the other ecosystem. Newcomer use of the prairie landscape rebranded the boreal north as a place of natural resources to serve the burgeoning prairie market. The prairies could not be settled if there was not also a nearby and extensive source for what the prairies lacked: timber and fuel. Extensive timber harvesting led to deforestation and the rise of agriculture built on the rhetoric of mixed farming, not King Wheat. The mixed farming movement tied to landscape underscored the massive internal migrations from the open prairies to the parkland and forest edge.<p> Soldier settlement, long viewed as a failure, experienced success in the north Prince Albert region and gave a model for future extensive government-supported land settlement schemes. South-to-north migration during the 1920s was based on a combination of push and pull factors: drought in the Palliser Triangle; and a strengthening northern economy built on cordwood, commercial fishing, freighting, prospecting and fur harvesting, as well as mixed farming. The economy at the forest edge supported occupational pluralism, drawing subsistence from both farm and forest, reflecting the First Nations model. As tourism grew to prominence, the Saskatchewan dual identity of prairie/forest led to the re-creation of the north Prince Albert region as a new vacationland, the Playground of the Prairies. The northern forest edge drew thousands of migrants during the Great Depression. Historical analysis has consistently interpreted this movement as frantic, a reactionary idea without precedent. Through a deep-time analysis, the Depression migrations are viewed through a new lens. The forest edge was a historic place of both economic and cultural refuge and resilience predicated on the Saskatchewan contrast of north and south.

Le poète sicilien Domenico Tempio, ayant vécu à Catane entre la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle et le premier quart du XIXe siècle, a été classé pendant longtemps comme un auteur obscène, dont le profil humain aurait été, de façon tout à fait injustifiée, celui d’un libertin. En réalité, l’analyse du corpus des poèmes publiés (au nombre de 332) et inédits (56) démontre qu’il est faux de désigner ses textes comme pornographiques, suivant les jugements critiques qui ont été consacrés dans le passé à sa figure de poète et à son oeuvre. S’il est vrai, en effet, qu’une partie fort réduite de ses textes(16 sur 388) contient des représentations ayant un caractère licencieux, en termes de langage et de situations, il est tout aussi vrai que l’écriture obscène véhicule très souvent des connotations plus complexes. Cela résulte des poèmes érotiques qui ont été analysés et traduits du dialecte de Catane (parfois pour la première fois) dans cette thèse (L’imprudenza o lu Mastru Staci, Il Padre Siccia, Ad Reverendum N.N., La monica dispirata, Lu cojtuimperfettu, etc.). Il s’agit de textes dont l’attribution à cet auteur n’est pas toujours incontestable. Bien qu’une petite partie d’entre eux ne figure pas dans les manuscrits qui se trouvent dans deux bibliothèques de Catane (Biblioteche Riunite Civica e Ursino Recupero et Biblioteca Regionale), une tradition orale, relayée par les recueils imprimés, les a attribués depuis longtemps au poète sicilien. En effet, les textes en question abordent, entre autres, des thèmes tels que les comportements immoraux des ecclésiastiques, l’importance du mariage, la nécessité d’une sexualité conforme aux bonnes moeurs, la force corruptrice de l’argent, les effets néfastes de l’entrée forcée au couvent, etc. Tout cela se joint à une sexualité représentée dans ses modalités les plus brutales en tant que reflet des appels de la nature et que l’hypocrisie de cette époque-là voilait. Si la pornographie consiste en la représentation obscène du domaine sexuel, visant à susciter l’excitation des sens, cela ne vaut absolument pas pour désigner l’œuvre de Domenico Tempio : ses textes les plus licencieux ne l’impliquent aucunement. C’est plutôt un sourire malicieux qu’ils suscitent éventuellement auprès du lecteur. L’écriture obscène, chez lui, renvoie surtout au registre de la dénonciation, ayant pour but de fustiger les mauvaises mœurs et de moraliser. Mais le poète de Catane alla bien au-delà de l’érotisme. La plupart de ses textes (odes, petits poèmes, épithalames, huitains, fables, etc.), à commencer par La Carestia, son œuvre la plus marquante (20 chants comprenant près de 26 000 vers), présentent une grande variété de formules d’expression et de thèmes. Pour ce qui est des genres, on relève, par exemple, la satire, la parodie, l’ironie, la critique sociale, l’invective politique, etc. Quant à la langue employée, on enregistre plusieurs modalités (dialecte sicilien, vers toscans, emprunts à la langue latine, etc.). En ce qui concerne les thèmes évoqués,on signale, par exemple, l’amour romantique, l’infidélité des femmes, l’amour paternel, la dénonciation des injustices, l’indifférence du pouvoir,l’exploitation du peuple, etc. Dans le cadre du contexte culturel sicilien, Tempio représenta la seule voix qui dénonça, avec insistance, les erreurs et les abus d’une société décadente, tout en invoquant la nécessité de réformes et de changements majeurs. / The Sicilian Domenico Tempio (1750-1821) was a dialectal poet. He’s still known as a pornographic author: though he wrote very few obscene poems, they gave him a bad reputation. On the contrary, he was an active poet who denounced the nobles, the priests and the monks who abused their power and rank in a decadent fin-de-siècle Catania.Starting from his most important work, the poem La Carestia, Tempio was an author attentive to the need of justice, of solidarity and of equality – of reforms, in one word – in order to improve people’s living conditions.The thesis intends, therefore, to illustrate on the one hand the presumed pornography and on the other hand Tempio’s commitment in the framework of the Sicilian Enlightenment and despite some personal contradictions.

Dans un certain nombre d’œuvres didactiques et sapientiales du Moyen Âge, l’animal est utilisé comme représentation du prince et de son entourage. L’animal est tantôt filtre, tantôt masque, un regard porté sur les cours princières par des auteurs plus ou moins impliqués dans celles-ci, et qui trouvent en l’animal l’outil le plus expressif pour exposer certaines valeurs ou dénoncer certains comportements. Notre étude se fonde sur un ensemble de sources, essentiellement le Calila et Dimna composé en Castille au milieu du XIIIe siècle pour l’infant Alphonse (futur Alphonse X) ; l’analyse inclut une étude de l’itinéraire textuel du Calila et Dimna : quelles différences présentent les versions indienne (Panchatantra), persane, arabe (Kalila wa Dimna), hébraïque, castillane, et les versions latines (Jean de Capoue et Raymond de Béziers). L’étude est étayée par une comparaison avec des textes indiens, persans et arabes qui offrent un rapport thématique avec ce traité dans la représentation du monde animalier. Textes latins et français (Roman de Renart, Roman de Fauvel accessoirement) complètent le corpus. Nous nous interrogeons aussi sur l’influence de la fable antique gréco-latine sur le traité (Ésope, Avianus), dans le choix des animaux et de leurs caractéristiques, notamment ; et sur les modalités de la transmission à l’Occident d’autres textes ayant suivi des itinéraires parallèles (Sendebar, Secret des Secrets, Roman des Sept sages de Rome). Nous nous demanderons si le Calila et Dimna n’était pas – comme le Renart ou le Fauvel – la caricature d’un certain milieu curial que les lecteurs contemporains n’avaient aucun mal à reconnaître ; et ce qu’il s’agisse de la version arabe ou de la version castillane du traité, étant entendu que chaque traducteur successif a contextualisé cette vision de la cour. Nous chercherons à comprendre la fonction et les mécanismes de ces masques animaliers : au-delà d’un bestiaire complexe, que nous nous attacherons à analyser de façon détaillée, en quoi et comment l’animal sert-il de filtre aux critiques politiques, comment constitue-t-il le miroir d’une vie de cour, et quelles images nous renvoie-t-il des courtisans ? Quels animaux sont-ils choisis (selon les versions) pour incarner tel ou tel homme de cour ? Quels préceptes moraux, traits de caractères, ou valences symboliques chaque animal « humanisé » véhicule-t-il ? Pourquoi utiliser des animaux ? Sont-ils là pour distraire les princes ou permettent-ils aux auteurs d’en dire plus qu’ils ne pourraient se l’autoriser, avec des héros humains ? L’animal est-il donc masque ou miroir ? / In a number of didactic and sapiential works of the Middle Ages, the animal is used as a representation of the prince and his entourage. The animal is sometimes a filter, sometimes a mask, looking at the princely courts by more or less involved authors. They find in the animal the most expressive tool to expose some values or to denounce some behaviours. Our study is based on a variety of sources, mainly the Calila et Dimna composed in Castile in the middle of the 13th century for the Infante Alfonso (future Alfonso X); the analysis includes a study of the Calila et Dimna textual path: what are the differences between Indian (Panchatantra), Persian, Arabic (Kalila wa Dimna), Hebrew, Castilian and Latin (Jean de Capoue and Raymond de Béziers) versions ? The study is supported by a comparison between some Indian, Persian and Arabic texts offering a thematic relevance in the animal world with this treatise. Latin and French (Roman de Renart, Roman de Fauvel secondarily) texts complete the corpus. We are also wondering about the Greco-Latin antique fable influence on the treatise (Esope, Avianus), concerning the choice of the animals and their characteristics. The modes of transmission to the Occident of other texts that followed parallel ways (Sandbar, Secret des Secrets, Roman des Sept Sages de Rome) are reviewed. We will be wondering whether the Calila et Dimna was not, as le Roman de Renart or le Roman de Fauvel, the caricature of a certain curial milieu that contemporary readers had no difficulty to recognise; Both the Arabic and the Castilian version of the treatise are concerned, on the understanding that each successive translator contextualised this vision of court. We will seek to understand the function and the mechanisms of these animal masks: beyond the complex bestiary, which will be thoroughly analysed, how and to what extent the animal is used as a filter for political criticism, how it constitutes the mirror of a court life, and what are the reflected images of the courtiers ? What animals are chosen (depending on the version) to embody one courtier or another ? Which moral precepts, character traits or symbolic values, each « humanised » animal is transmitting ? Why use animals ? Are they there to amuse princes or to allow the authors to tell more than they could with human heroes ? Is the animal a mask or a mirror ?