O escopo desse trabalho é identificar, na obra da filósofa Hannah Arendt, os conceitos a partir dos quais o pensamento político de nossa autora se estrutura e se relaciona com um possível pensamento arendtiano sobre o Direito. No percurso do texto, iniciaremos com contexto da compreensão do totalitarismo, passaremos a análise dos elementos desse fenômeno que conduziram a crise do Estado-Nação e do fracasso dos Direitos Humanos, estabelecidos a partir das Revoluções Americana e Francesa no século XVIII. Em seguida, faremos uma restruturação dos conceitos filosóficos apropriados por Arendt a partir do mundo pré-filosófico dos poetas e historiadores e da tríade de filósofos gregos Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles para a construção de seu pensamento político em contraposição ao pensamento político da tradição que sofreu uma ruptura e não conseguiu fornecer um arcabouço teórico para o fenômeno sem precedentes - o totalitarismo. Nossa autora além de realizar sua crítica, também estabelece uma proposta de Direitos Humanos a partir do conceito direitos a ter direitos estritamente relacionada aos conceitos de sua teoria política e seu novo modo de pensar os assuntos humanos, como por exemplo, a pluralidade. No entanto, nossa autora não se restringe apenas a uma nova fundamentação dos Direitos Humanos, a partir crítica aos Tribunais de Nuremberg e Jerusalém, também se direciona a uma discussão de mecanismos internacionais que possam realmente fornecer eficácia a tais direitos Tribunais ad hoc ou de Exceção, Cortes Internacionais, princípios de jurisdição territorial, personalidade passiva e universal, tipificação dos crimes de genocídio e contra a humanidade. / The goal of this work is to identify, in the work of the philosopher Hannah Arendt, the concepts from which her political thinking is structured and related to a possible Arendtian thinking about the Law. In the text, we will begin a restructuring of Arendt\'s philosophical concepts from the pre-philosophical world of poets and historians and the triad of Greek philosophers - Socrates, Plato and Aristotle - to construct his political thought in opposition to political thought of the tradition that suffered a rupture and failed to provide a theoretical framework for the unprecedented phenomenon - totalitarianism. In the context of the understanding of totalitarianism, we will analyze the elements of this phenomenon that led us to the crisis of the Nation State and the failure of Human Rights, established from the American and French Revolutions in the eighteenth century. Our author, besides performing her critique, also establishes a proposal for Human Rights from the concept of \"rights to have rights\" strictly related to the concepts of her political theory and her new way of thinking about human affairs, such as plurality. However, our author is not restricted only to a new grounding of human rights, from criticism to the Nuremberg and Jerusalem Courts, it also addresses a discussion of international mechanisms that can really provide effectiveness to such rights - ad hoc or Exception, International Courts, principles of jurisdiction territorial, passive and universal personality, typification of crimes of genocide and against humanity.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-11-23T18:51:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ricardo Pietrowski Ferreira.pdf_.pdf: 856058 bytes, checksum: fdb920f07ee487b8a59983386cdb174d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-23T18:51:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ricardo Pietrowski Ferreira.pdf_.pdf: 856058 bytes, checksum: fdb920f07ee487b8a59983386cdb174d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / PROSUP - Programa de Suporte à Pós-Gradução de Instituições de Ensino Particulares / O presente trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise crítica de como a fundamentação dos direitos humanos se esvaiu perante o evento do totalitarismo e de como o pensamento de Hannah Arendt pode contribuir para se pensar a (re)construção de tais direitos. Pretende-se compreender como se deu o processo de enfraquecimento do pensamento sobre direitos humanos, diagnosticado por Hannah Arendt, e como suas reflexões se fazem indispensáveis para uma construção dos direitos humanos pautados em ação política, liberdade, pluralidade e igualdade, dentro de um espaço público que possa garantir a dignidade humana. Este trabalho contemplará diretamente o pensamento da filósofa alemã; contudo, serão consideradas algumas leituras do comentador da filosofia arendtiana Celso Lafer, cujas obras convidam a compreender melhor o tema dos direitos humanos. Para melhor esclarecer tal problemática, o presente trabalho se organiza em três momentos: o primeiro objetiva demonstrar como os direitos humanos justificados e baseados nas declarações de 1776 e 1789, que tornaram o homem como fonte de toda lei e por isso inalienável, mostraram-se insuficientes frente ao fenômeno totalitário (fenômeno de ruptura), principalmente no que se refere à questão dos apátridas. Já o segundo momento está diretamente vinculado à explanação dos principais conceitos de Arendt, tais como: espaço público e privado, ação e discurso, relações humanas e responsabilidade, e, por fim, o sentido da política e da liberdade. Finalmente, o terceiro momento dessa investigação volta-se à concepção de Arendt sobre a ideia de cidadania, a qual conceitua como “direito a ter direitos”. Quando desenvolvida, a cidadania torna possível a existência da liberdade que, segundo ela, pode ser exercida através do sistema de conselhos. Para concluir os apontamentos, as considerações finais da pesquisa demonstram como a atividade do “juízo reflexivo”, que Arendt busca em Kant, pode ajudar na orientação do pensamento político-filosófico como afirmação de liberdade e, dessa maneira, ser de suma importância para administração da justiça e da História. / This dissertation aims to perform a critical analysis of how human rights’ foundation faded with the establishment of totalitarianism, and how Hannah Arendt’s thought can contribute to reflecting on (re)building such rights. It is intended to understand how the weakening of human rights ideas, diagnosed by Hannah Arendt, has developed, as well as how her reflections are essential for a construction of human rights guided by political action, freedom, plurality and equality, in a public space that guarantees human dignity. This study covers mainly the German philosopher’s thoughts; however, it is also considered some readings made by Celso Lafer, a scholar of Arent philosophy, whose works contribute to better understand human rights issues. In order to properly clarify this problem, this dissertation is organized in three parts: the first one aims at demonstrating how human rights justified and based on the declarations published in 1776 and 1789, which consider men as the source of every law and therefore as inalienable individuals, were insufficient before the totalitarian phenomena (rupture phenomenon), especially concerning stateless persons issues. The second part concerns the explanation of Arendt’s main concepts, such as: public and private space, action and discourse, human relations and responsibility, and, finally, the purpose of politics and freedom. The third part if this study focuses on Arendt’s concept of citizenship, which is defined by her as “the right to have rights”. When properly developed, citizenship enables the existence of freedom, which may be exercised through a council system. To conclude these considerations, the closing comments demonstrate how the activity of “reflective judgment”, formulated by Kant and taken into consideration by Arendt, may help with reviewing the political and philosophical thought as an assertion of freedom; therefore, it can be extremely important for administration of justice and History.

Idag befinner sig över 50 miljoner människor på flykt runt om i världen. De har behövt lämna sina hem till följd av väpnade konflikter, förföljelse eller andra grova människorättskränkningar. Flera av dem behöver få skydd i andra länder. Dock är det svårt för många att få det. Inte minst gäller det de skyddsbehövande som försöker finna en fristad inom EU. Unionens yttre gränser har de senaste åren stärkts och blivit allt mer ogenomträngliga för tredjelandsmedborgare på flykt. De riskerar därmed att hindras från att få tillgång till skydd. Syftet med denna studie är att lyfta den här frågan ur ett rättighetsperspektiv och att undersöka det nuvarande rättighetsskyddet för de människor som behöver få tillgång till skydd inom EU. Delar av gällande folkrätt och EU-rätt undersöks för att se vad dessa rättssystem idag innebär för skyddsbehövandes tillgång till skydd. Vidare granskas den gällande rätten utifrån ett moraliskt och kritiskt perspektiv som utgår ifrån principen om skyddsbehövandes rätt till rättigheter. Principen grundas på de mänskliga rättigheternas grundtanke om att alla människor har lika och inneboende rättigheter samt Hannah Arendts analys om att människor på flykt riskerar att hamna utan rättighetsskydd i praktiken. Studien visar att skyddsbehövande som kommit till EU:s fysiska gränser eller möter medlemsstaterna till havs under vissa omständigheter har, i alla fall rent formellt, rätt att få komma in i unionen och erhålla skydd där. Detta enligt vissa bestämmelser inom både folkrätten och EU-rätten. Studien visar dock att skyddsbehövande som fortfarande befinner sig i ursprungslandet riskerar att i praktiken hamna utan skydd av sina rättigheter under gällande rättssystem. Folkrättens skydd når inte riktigt dit på ett tydligt sätt och EU:s extraterritoriella gränskontroll, i form av regler kring visum och transportöransvar, riskerar att stänga flera av dem ute från det skydd som de har rätt till när de väl kommit fram till unionens territoriella gränser. Flera skyddsbehövande blir således nekade sin rätt till rättigheter idag. / Today, over 50 million people are forcibly displaced worldwide. They have been forced to leave their homes due to armed conflicts, persecution or other human rights violations. Numerous people need protection in another state. However, for many of them it is difficult to get that kind of protection. This is true for many refugees and other people in need of international protection who are trying to find refuge within the EU. The union has in recent years strengthened the external borders which has made it increasingly difficult for third-country nationals to get access to the EU. This is affecting people in need of protection and their access to asylum. The purpose of this thesis is to highlight this issue from a human rights perspective and study how the rights of those people who need access to protection within the EU are safeguarded today. Parts of international law and EU law are examined to see what different rules mean for people’s access to protection. The existing law is then reviewed from a moral and critical point of view that revolves around the understanding that people in need of international protection have a right to have rights. This theoretical approach is partly based on the core principle of human rights which emphasizes the equal and inherent rights of all people and partly based on Hannah Arendt’s thoughts about the fact that people who are forcibly displaced risk being denied their rights. The study shows that people in need of international protection who have arrived at the EU’s physical borders or who the member states encounter at sea have, under certain circumstances, a right to enter the union and receive protection there through parts of both international law and EU law. However, people in need of protection who are still in the country of origin risk being denied their rights. This is because of possible gaps in international law and certain EU rules concerning visas and carrier sanctions which can exclude them from the protection that they are entitled to once they have arrived to EU territory. Thus, many people in need of international protection are today being denied their right to have rights.

Humanitarian visas for asylum purposes have been widely discussed in recent years. With few alternatives at their disposal, refugees are forced to illegal and dangerous routes in their attempts to reach Europe. The aim of this study is to investigate the conditions for implementing humanitarian visas in Sweden and to clarify the consequences of Sweden's approach to humanitarian visas for third-country nationals in need of international protection. Using idea analysis as a method, the tenability of two official reports published by the Swedish Government is analyzed. By examining the assessments, an understanding of the conditions for introducing humanitarian visas in Sweden is established. In order to explore the implications of Sweden's position on the right of third country nationals to seek asylum, the study draws on a critical perspective on how migrants and refugees’ risk being subjected to violent border controls and how their legal status is subjected to various kinds of scrutiny.  Several shortcomings are identified in these reports and the conditions thus created for the introduction of humanitarian visas in Sweden. Although the need for more safe and legal routes to seek asylum and the consequences of Sweden's migration and asylum policy are highlighted, no national measures are recommended. Instead, it is recommended that Sweden should lobby for the introduction of humanitarian visas to the EU as a whole, with the overall aim of reducing the number of asylum seekers coming to Sweden in particular. Although it is commonplace for refugees to perish in search of safety, no practical measures are deemed essential to establish safe and legal routes for asylum seekers. State sovereignty thus continues to impede fundamental rights for all. Refugees and asylum seekers are severely affected by the uncertainty as to who is responsible for guaranteeing these fundamental rights. In an attempt to get these basic rights fulfilled, asylum seekers currently must resort to illegal acts at the risk of their lives. / Humanitära visum vid asylskäl har diskuterats flitigt de senaste åren. Med få alternativ till hands tvingas flyktingar ta till illegala och livsfarliga vägar i sina försök att ta sig till Europa. Syftet med studien är därför att utreda vilka förutsättningar som finns för att införa humanitära visum i Sverige samt att tydliggöra konsekvenserna av Sveriges inställning till humanitära visum för tredjelandsmedborgare som har ett internationellt skyddsbehov. Med idéanalys som metod granskas hållbarheten i två statliga offentliga utredningar. Genom att kritiskt granska de bedömningar som görs, skapas förståelse för vilka förutsättningar som finns för att införa humanitära visum i Sverige. För att utreda implikationerna som Sveriges inställning har på tredjelandsmedborgares rätt att söka asyl tar studien stöd av ett kritiskt perspektiv om hur människor på flykt riskerar att utsättas för våldsamma gränskontroller och hur deras juridiska ställning utsätts för olika typer av vågspel.  Flera brister identifieras i utredningarna och de förutsättningar som därmed ges för att införa humanitära visum i Sverige. Trots att behovet av fler säkra och lagliga vägar att söka asyl konstateras, samt att konsekvenserna av Sveriges migrations- och asylpolitik uppmärksammas, rekommenderas inte att några nationella åtgärder vidtas. I stället rekommenderas att Sverige ska framföra påtryckningar för att införa humanitära visum i EU. Ett övergripande mål är samtidigt att minska antalet asylsökande som söker sig till Sverige. Fastän det beskrivs hur människor på flykt omkommer i jakten på säkerhet, så bedöms inte nationella åtgärder vara nödvändiga för att införa säkra och lagliga vägar för asylsökande. Den statliga suveräniteten fortsätter således att utmana rätten till rättigheter för alla. Flyktingar och asylsökande drabbas framför allt av osäkerheten kring vem som är pliktbärare och oklarheter kring hur deras rättigheter ska tillförsäkras. För att försöka få sina rättigheter tillgodosedda tvingas de att ta till illegala handlingar med livet som insats.