Denna uppsats har undersökt hur totalitära ideologier framställs inom läroböcker i samhällskunskap för gymnasiet. Metoden som har utgjort grunden för analysen har varit Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys som genomsyrats av ett poststrukturalistiskt perspektiv. Materialet har varit tre stycken samhällsböcker riktade mot kursen Samhällskunskap 1B. Olika avgränsningar som definition på totalitarism har gjorts och avgränsningar mot andra ämnen för att kunna konkretisera undersökningsfältet. Uppsatsen har kunnat blottlägga att läroböckerna behandlar tre totalitära ideologier, socialism (kommunism), fascism och nationalsocialism. Dessa olika totalitära ideologier behandlas även olika i avseende av framställning, utrymme och ideologisk genomgång. Sovjetisk socialism (kommunism), fascism respektive nationalsocialism beskrivs utifrån händelser medan marxistisk socialism beskrivs utifrån ideologiska grunder. Den marxistiska socialismen har en positiv bild medan de andra ideologierna har en negativ bild representerad i texterna. Uppsatsen största resultat är att läromedlen inte erbjuder några kunskap om vad fascism och nationalsocialism står för ideologiskt utan endast vilka historiska händelser dessa två ideologier har utfört som till exempel förintelsen. Även kan sägas att resultatet i uppsatsen inte är generaliserbart då för få läroböcker undersöks samt att man inte vet hur eleverna, läraren eller klassrummet använder böckerna och går igenom ämnena. Endast i dessa tre läroböcker kan resultatet vara gällande.

This thesis on Work of Pavel Kohout from 1979 to 1989 deals the period of Kohout's life and work during his exile in Austria. The aim was to find out the main characteristics of Pavel Kohout's prosaic art and also to compare the period critiques and show their contact and different points. The first part focuses on a destiny of Pavel Kohout in chosen decade. The second part examines his novels Nápady svaté Kláry and Hodina tance a lásky together with the memoir-novel Kde je zakopán pes. The final part studies the period critiques and try to point out their similarity or difference. Thanks to analysis, the author found out that in exile Pavel Kohout continues in his poetic style, but his work also evinces the element of autentization. The novels Nápady svaté Kláry and Hodina tance a lásky represent Kohout's ability in fabulation. Value of the memoir-novel Kde je zakopán pes consists in its genre, which places the text on the border between fiction and non-fiction. The author proved that the beletrization of own memories increases the esthetic impact of a text. A comparison of certain critiques showed that a literary criticism looks at Kohout's work inconsistently. In novels Nápady svaté Kláry and Hodina tance a lásky the reviewers appreciate the presentation of chosen themes. The memoir-novel is often...

Le centre civique de Bucarest est le projet étudié d'une façon approfondie et il devient progressivement, avec l'avancement de cette thèse, l'élément de référence qui nous permet de faire des parallèles et des comparaisons avec d'autres projets construits sous un régime totalitaire. La confrontation directe entre des réponses architecturales différentes a le mérite de mettre en exergue des traits communs de l'acte d'édifier et ses conséquences dans l'atmosphère urbaine, en un mot, d'identifier la production architecturale totalitaire. Elle permet aussi de souligner le parcours intellectuel que les dictateurs empruntent pour arriver à imaginer et matérialiser le monde qui est le leur. L'architecture est une expression incontournable, une dimension inéluctable pour la compréhension de l'esprit totalitaire. / Bucharest's civic center is the main subjetc studied in detail in this thesis. It becomes gradually the base point which allows us to draw parallels and comparisons with other projects built up under the totalitarian regime. The direct comparisons of various architectural answers enabled us to highlight common points between the fact of building and it's consequences to urban atmosphere. Beyond, more than helping to identify the totalitarian architecture, these comparisons lead up to understand the intellectual exercise done by dictators. Indeed, it brings us to understand their way of imagining and materializing their vision of the world. Architecture is the key dimension of understanding totalitarianism.

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka, beskriva, analysera hur internet användes som ett verktyg för att påverka statsmakten i Iran samt hur oppositionen använde sig av internet före, under och efter valet 2009. De teorierna som jag använt mig av i min undersökning är den som Strömbäck bygger i sin bok <em>”makt, medier och samhället”</em> om förtroende för internet och medialisering, publicitetsmodell och<em> </em>mediekonsumtion i förändring . Den andra teorin som jag utgår från är den som Sunsteins byggde fram i sin bok <em>” </em><em>Infotopia: how many minds produce knowledge</em><em>”</em> angående nya bloggar. Makt var min tredje och sista teori som jag använt mig av i min forskning utifrån det som Manuell Castells, Lukes och Ball Deggers beskrev i sina böcker. Huvudresultaten som jag kommit fram till är att statsmakten i Iran blev mycket påverkat av internet dvs. sedan internet utvecklade i landet. Oppositionen använde internet som ett medel under valet för att nå sitt mål. Samtidigt internet har varit en fördel som verktyg för oppositionerna medan en nackdel verktyg för statsmakten i Iran.</p><p> </p><p> </p>

<p>In George Orwell's two most famous novels Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm we find a totalitarian state, and in each case there are strategies that enable these societies to stay totalitarian. The reader of today not only sees the Soviet Union when reading Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, but a large number of other totalitarian societies with similar structures and systems that exist throughout the world. A close reading of the novels shows that the strategies for the leaders in Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm to preserve the status quo include the control of media and flow of information, maintaining the class system, controlling education, creating distractions from issues that matter, being able to put the blame on a traitor, and enforcing control of people’s memory. Media is used to make the inhabitants believe that they are better off now than before, so that they will be content with what they have. Traitors and enemies are used to silence resistance and make sure that people stay in line. People’s memory is something that the leaders manipulate, even if it works in different ways in the two stories. In Animal Farm the animals just have a bad memory, and in Nineteen Eighty-Four it might be that the people have lost their ability to think critically and thus their ability to remember. Maintaining the class system and controlling education is to remain in control and minimizing the risks of another uprising. The reason why the Animal Farm becomes totalitarian is because the animals themselves looked the other way as the pigs started to take more than their fair share, which means that the responsibility of this situation is just as much the leaders as it is the peoples. The totalitarian societies in these books remain at status quo, but the message of these novels is that it can be different in real life. If we do not let things get out of hand, and if we keep on being aware of what is happening around us, we can stop this from happening.</p>

In George Orwell's two most famous novels Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm we find a totalitarian state, and in each case there are strategies that enable these societies to stay totalitarian. The reader of today not only sees the Soviet Union when reading Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four, but a large number of other totalitarian societies with similar structures and systems that exist throughout the world. A close reading of the novels shows that the strategies for the leaders in Nineteen Eighty-Four and Animal Farm to preserve the status quo include the control of media and flow of information, maintaining the class system, controlling education, creating distractions from issues that matter, being able to put the blame on a traitor, and enforcing control of people’s memory. Media is used to make the inhabitants believe that they are better off now than before, so that they will be content with what they have. Traitors and enemies are used to silence resistance and make sure that people stay in line. People’s memory is something that the leaders manipulate, even if it works in different ways in the two stories. In Animal Farm the animals just have a bad memory, and in Nineteen Eighty-Four it might be that the people have lost their ability to think critically and thus their ability to remember. Maintaining the class system and controlling education is to remain in control and minimizing the risks of another uprising. The reason why the Animal Farm becomes totalitarian is because the animals themselves looked the other way as the pigs started to take more than their fair share, which means that the responsibility of this situation is just as much the leaders as it is the peoples. The totalitarian societies in these books remain at status quo, but the message of these novels is that it can be different in real life. If we do not let things get out of hand, and if we keep on being aware of what is happening around us, we can stop this from happening.

Hanna Arendt (1906-1975) and Eric Voegelin (1901-1985) were two political thinkers which can be placed in the Totalitarianism-theory discourse. In 1951, Voegelin was commissioned to review Hannah Arendt´s recently published book The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). Arendt was given the right to reply. Voegelin also wrote a letter to Arendt in German which she responded to. With their dialogue as a starting point, aspects of the theoretical content of the philosophical and political thinking in Voegelin and Arendt was analyzed. The main conclusion is that their theories complement each other and that they can be better understood in light of each other. A deeper understanding of Arendt´s and Voegelin´s ideas has been achieved using the anthropological concept liminality. It is an aid to understanding the dissolution of an order and the transition towards a new order. All kinds of changes in paradigm can be studied from the perspective of liminality. The political situation in Europe in the 30ths was a liminality of the thinking of Voegelin and Arendt. Therefore, their ”conservatism” can be interpreted as a ”plasticity” of ideologies-discourse according to the specific liminality, and their ideas as both radical and conservative due to the political situation in the liminality. Conducting a reflexive approach towards their ideas has clarified their explicit divergence as both divergence and convergence. Their supposed divergence is sometimes explained by their different theoretical perspectives. Despite a disagreement with sine ira et studio in dialogue, their views correspond to each other, since both affirm a historical approach to political phenomena which is evaluative but not judicial in the sense that empiri judge evaluative statements. Arendt rejected the idea of totalitarianism as a utilitarian-scientific project, but could not deny the empiri of nazism and bolshevism using utilitarian-scientific (”everything is possible”) propaganda language. Nor did Voegelin see a direct causality from 16th century scientism to totalitarianism, but concluded that scientism was a discourse for the totalitarian ideologies in which mankind had immanentized God into the concept ”everything is possible”. None of them accepted a metaphysical and essential concept of the human nature. Arendt`s foundation for human Being was a plurality of mankind while Voegelin founded it in a consciousness which transcend to the world. Regarding political religion Arendt reject totalitarianism as a secular religion, although she observes the religious elements while Voegelin adopt a political religion theory. The divergence is accomplished by their different theories in the concept religion. They both observe same phenomena, but Voegelin theorized totalitarianism in a way Arendt would call speculative. It is further suggested that the concept pneumopathology can be used as a model for approaching the phenomena totalitarianism.

The thesis Yugoslavia in the context of totalitarian and authoritarian countries deals with the characteristics of the governing regime of SFRY. In the first chapter, the terms "totalitarianism" and "authoritarianism" are defined. In the following chapters, the thesis observes the development of socialist Yugoslavia throughout the individual periods concerned, and classifies the dominant features of the regime. Historical facts are based on works of J. Pelican and J. Pirejvec, the theory of political science is based on works of S.Balík and R.Dahl. The aim of the work is to determine, in what respects was the government's policy influenced by historical events, as well as to describe the essence of Yugoslavian regime.

The diploma thesis focuses on the analysis of the selected protectorate and socialist propaganda posters from the forties and early fifties of the 20th century. The analyzed period ends with year 1953. This particular piece of work strives to set the whole subject in a larger theoretical framework. Furthermore the characteristic features of the given ideologies, the theory of semiotics and a brief description of the given historical period is also encompassed. Within the theory of semiotics the main inspiration is drawn from the works of Ferdinand de Saussure, Charles Sanders Peirce and Charles Morris. The most crucial source for the semiotic analysis is the book Mythology from Roland Barthes, especially its second theoretical part of Myth today, from which the methodological approach was gathered. The semiotic analysis allows one to uncover and expose the hidden meanings of texts. Ten posters were chosen in total for the analysis, five from the protectorate era and five from the late forties and early fifties. This was carried out in order to juxtapose pairs of images which portray the same motif or theme. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the applied semiotic components of the individual posters and then to compare the respective motifs and elements within the two ideologies and the extent to...

Quatre ouvrages sont retenus dans le cadre de cette thèse sur travaux. Le Siècle des Camps s’interroge sur les raisons qui font du siècle précédent la période de l’histoire connaissant la plus grande extension de systèmes concentrationnaires. Il propose une typologie des camps liée à la fonction qu’ils exercent dans les différents systèmes politiques. Corée du Nord, Etat voyou examine la genèse d’un Etat dont on affirme souvent qu’il est la forme la plus achevée du totalitarisme. Cette affirmation est endossée ici, avec des nuances qui tiennent à un fonctionnement sectaire et à une idiosyncrasie idéologique spécifique. Coucher de Soleil sur La Havane propose une histoire de la formation volontariste d’un Etat au fonctionnement totalitaire, de ses rapports avec le monde extérieur et des illusions qu’il a suscitées. Georges Albertini, biographie d’un socialiste pacifiste des années 1930 devenu Collaborateur tout en se revendiquant de la gauche et de la révolution oblige à s’interroger sur les rapports entre certaines acceptions du socialisme avec le nazisme. Ces travaux renvoient tous en effet à des réalités totalitaires et à quelques-uns des problèmes que pose l’utilisation du concept de totalitarisme en science politique. Ils sont aussi l’occasion d’une réflexion sur les rapports entre une oeuvre conçue par leur auteur comme « militante » et l’objectivité exigible de tout effort d’acquisition de connaissances. L’engagement éthique et politique préalable n’a-t-il pas valeur heuristique ? Il détermine une approche qui privilégie l’attention au sort des individus et aux droits humains – ce que précisément refusent de prendre en compte les idéologies ou les institutions totalitaires. / The following research is organized around four books. At the center of The Century of Camps lies this question : how can we explain the historically unprecedented extension of concentration camps in the preceding century? The work offers a typology of the concentration camps that seeks to explain the phenomenon by reference to the different political systems that made use of them. North Korea: A Rogue State examines the evolution of a state that is sometimes described as the ultimate development of totalitarianism. The work endorses this view, allowing for certain nuances with regard to North Korea’s sectarian modus operandi and the idiosyncrasies specific to its reigning ideology. Sunset over Havana is a history of Cuban communism as the creation of an act of will, and of its relations with the rest of the world with special attention to the illusions to which it gave rise. Georges Albertini is the biography of a socialist and pacifist of the 1930s who became a leading French Collaborator, without forsaking the left and its revolutionary project. These studies all bring us back to totalitarianism and the problems raised by this concept in the study of political science. They offer opportunities to reflect upon the connection between work conceived as an act of militancy by its author, and the objectivity that is the necessary condition of scientific study and the acquisition of knowledge. Would there not be a heuristic quality inherent in a moral and political bias? The latter requires a focus on the fates of individuals and matters of human rights the significance of which are denied by totalitarian systems.